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THE ANNAPOLIS CONVENTION
Proceedings of the Commissioners to Remedy Defects of the Federal Government,
Annapolis in the State of Maryland. September 14, 1786
To the Honorable, The Legislatures of Virginia, Delaware, Pennsylvania, New
Jersey, and New York.
The Commissioners from the said States, respectively assembled at Annapolis,
humbly beg leave to report.
That, pursuant to their several appointments, they met, at Annapolis in the
State of Maryland on the eleventh day of September Instant, and having proceeded
to a Communication of their Powers; they found that the States of New York,
Pennsylvania, and Virginia, had, in substance, and nearly in the same terms,
authorized their respective Commissions "to meet such other Commissioners as
were, or might be, appointed by the other States in the Union, at such time and
place as should be agreed upon by the said Commissions to take into considera-
tion the trade and commerce of the United States, to consider how far a uniform
system in their commercial intercourse and regulations might be necessary to
their common interest and permanent harmony, and to report to the several States
such an Act, relative to this great object, as when unanimously by them would
enable the United States in Congress assembled effectually to proved for the
same."...
That the State of New Jersey had enlarged the object of their appointment,
empowering their Commissioners, "to consider how far a uniform system in their
commercial regulations and other important matters, mighty be necessary to the
common interest and permanent harmony of the several States," and to report such
an Act on the subject, as when ratified by them, "would enable the United States
in Congress assembled, effectually to provide for the exigencies of the Union."
That appointments of Commissioners have also been made by the States of New
Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and North Carolina, none of whom,
however, have attended; but that no information has been received by your
Commissioners, of any appointment having been made by the States of Connecticut,
Maryland, South Carolina or Georgia.
That the express terms of the powers of your Commissioners supposing a deputa-
tion from all the States, and having for object the Trade and Commerce of the
United States, Your Commissioners did not conceive it advisable to proceed on
the business of their mission, under the Circumstances of so partial and
defective a representation.
Deeply impressed, however, with the magnitude and importance of the object
confided to them on this occasion, your Commissioners cannot forbear to indulge
an expression of their earnest and unanimous wish, that speedy measures be
taken, to effect a general meeting, of the States, in a future Convention, for
the same, and such other purposes, as the situation of public affairs may be
found to require.
If in expressing this wish, or in intimating any other sentiment, your Commis-
sioners should seem to exceed the strict bounds of their appointment, they
entertain a full confidence, that a conduct, dictated by an anxiety for the
welfare of the United States, will not fail to receive an indulgent construc-
tion.
In this persuasion, your Commissioners submit an opinion, that the Idea of
extending the powers of their Deputies, to other objects, than those of Com-
merce, which has been adopted by the State of New Jersey, was an improvement on
the original plan, and will deserve to be incorporated into that of a future
Convention; they are the more naturally led to this conclusion, as in the course
of their reflections on the subject, they have been induced to think, that the
power of regulating trade is of such comprehensive extent, and will enter so far
into the general System of the federal government, that to give it efficacy, and
to obviate questions and doubts concerning its precise nature and limits, may
require a correspondent adjustment of other parts of the Federal System.
That there are important defects in the system of the Federal Government is
acknowledged by the Acts of all those States, which have concurred in the
present Meeting; That the defects, upon a closer examination, may be found
greater and more numerous, than even these acts imply, is at least so far
probably, from the embarrassments which characterize the present State of our
national affairs, foreign and domestic, as may reasonably be supposed to merit a
deliberate and candid discussion, in some mode, which will unite the Sentiments
and Councils of all the States. In the choice of the mode, your Commissioners
are of opinion, that a Convention of Deputies from the different States, for the
special and sole purpose of entering into this investigation, and digesting a
plan for supplying such defects as may be discovered to exist, will be entitled
to a preference from considerations, which will occur without being particu-
larized.
Your Commissioners decline an enumeration of those national circumstances on
which their opinion respecting the propriety of a future Convention, with more
enlarged powers, is founded; as it would be a useless intrusion of facts and
observations, most of which have been frequently the subject of public discus-
sion, and none of which can have escaped the penetration of those to whom they
would in this instance be addressed. They are, however, of a nature so serious,
as, in the view of your Commissioners, to render the situation of the United
States delicate and critical, calling for an exertion of the untied virtue and
wisdom of all the members of the Confederacy.
Under this impression, Your Commissioners, with the most respectful deference,
beg leave to suggest their unanimous conviction that it may essentially tend to
advance the interests of the union if the States, by whom they have been
respectively delegated, would themselves concur, and use their endeavors to
procure the concurrence of the other States, in the appointment of Commis-
sioners, to meet at Philadelphia on the second Monday in May next, to take into
consideration the situation of the United States, to devise such further
provisions as shall appear to them necessary to render the constitution of the
Federal Government adequate to the exigencies of the Union; and to report such
an Act for that purpose to the United States in Congress assembled, as when
agreed to, by them, and afterwards confirmed by the Legislatures of every State,
will effectually provide for the same.
Though your Commissioners could not with propriety address these observations
and sentiments to any but the States they have the honor to represent, they have
nevertheless concluded from motives of respect, to transmit copies of the Report
to the United States in Congress assembled, and to the executives of the other
States.
------------------------------------
Prepared by Gerald Murphy (The Cleveland Free-Net - aa300)


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From mimsy!dtix!darwin.sura.net!ukma!rutgers!ub!acsu.buffalo.edu!marcotte Tue Oct 6 13:24:40 EDT 1992
-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-
The following is a companion to the list of frequently asked questions (FAQ).
Look for the FAQ under the subject:
.rec.food.veg FREQUENTLY ASKED QUESTIONS LIST (FAQ)
-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-
ANIMAL DERIVED INGREDIENT LIST
(from the National Anti-Vivisection Society's "Personal Care with Principle,"
Spring, 1992)
INGREDIENTS DERIVED FROM ANIMALS:
A
Acetylated Hydrogenated Lard Glyceride
Acetylated Lanolin
Acetylated Lanolin Alcohol
Acetylated Lanolin Ricinoleate
Acetylated Tallow
Albumen
Albumin
"Amerachol"(TM)
Ammonium Hydrolyzed Protein
Amniotic Fluid
AMPD Isoteric Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Amylase
Animal Collagen Amino Acids
Animal Keratin Amino Acids
Animal Protein Derivative
Animal Tissue Extract -- Epiderm Oil R
Arachidonic Acid
B
Batyl Alcohol
Batyl Isostearate
Beeswax
Benzyltrimonium Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Brain Extract
Buttermilk
C
C30-46 Piscine Oil
Calfskin Extract
Cantharides Tincture -- Spanish Fly
Catharidin
Carmine -- Cochineal
Carminic Acid -- Natural Red No. 4
Casein
Castor -- Castoreum (not Castor Oil)
Ceteth-2 -- Poltethylene (2) Cetyl Ether
Ceteth-2, -4, -6, -10, -30
Cholesterol
Civet
Cochineal
Cod-Liver Oil
Coleth-24
Collagen
Cysteine, -L-Form
Cystine (or Cysteine)
D
Dea-Oleth-10 Phosphate
Desamido Animal Collagen
Desamidocollagen
Dicapryloyl Cystine
Diethylene Tricaseinamide
Dihydrocholesterol
Dihydrocholesterol Octyledecanoate
Dihydrocholeth-15
Dihydrocholeth-30
Dihydrogenated Tallow Benzylmoniumchloride
Dihydrogenated Tallow Methylamine
Dihydrogenated Tallow Phthalate
Dihydroxyethyl Tallow Amine Oxide
Dimethyl Hydrogenated Tallowamine
Dimethyl Tallowamine
Disodium Hydrogenated TallowGlutamate
Disodium Tallamido Mea-Sulfosuccinate
Disodium Tallowaminodipropionate
Ditallowdimonium Chloride
Dried Buttermilk
Dried Egg Yolk
E
Egg
Egg Oil
Egg Powder
Egg Yolk
Egg Yolk Extract
Elastin
Embryo Extract
Estradiol
Estradiol Benzoate
Estrogen
Estrone
Ethyl Arachidonate
Ethyl Ester of Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Ethyl Morrhuate -- Lipineate
Ethylene Dehydrogenated Tallowamide
F
Fish Glycerides
Fish Oil
G
Gelatin (not Gel)
Glucuronic Acid
Glyceryl Lanolate
Glycogen
Guanine -- Pearl Essence
H
Heptylundecanol
Honey
Human Placental Protein
Human Umbilical Extract
Hyaluronic Acid
Hydrogenated Animal Glyceride
Hydrogenated Ditallow Amine
Hydrogenated Honey
Hydrogenated Laneth-5, -20, -25
Hydrogenated Lanolin
Hydrogenated Lanolin Alcohol
Hydrogenated Lard Glyceride
Hydrogenated Shark-Liver Oil
Hydrogenated Tallow Acid
Hydrogenated Tallow Betaine
Hydrogenated Tallow Glyceride
Hydrolyzed Animal Elastin
Hydrolyzed Animal Keratin
Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Hydrolyzed Casein
Hydrolyzed Elastin
Hydrlyzed Human Placental Protein
Hydrolyzed Keratin
Hydrolyzed Silk
Hydroxylated Lanolin
I
Isobutylated Lanolin
Isopropyl Lanolate
Isopropyl Tallowatelsopropyl Lanolate
Isostearic Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Isostearoyl Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
K
Keratin
Keratin Amino Acids
L
Lactic Yeasts
Lactose -- Milk Sugar
Laneth-5 through -40
Laneth-9 and -10 Acetate
Lanolin -- Wool Fat; Wool Wax
Lanolin Acid
Lanolin Alcohols -- Sterols; Triterpene Alcohols; Aliphatic Alcohols
Lanolin Linoleate
Lanolin Oil
Lanolin Ricinoleate
Lanolin Wax
Lanoinamide DEA
Lanosteral
Lard
Lard Glyceride
Lauroylhydrolyzed Animal Protein
Leucine
Liver Extract
Lysine
M
Magnesium Lanolate
Magnesium Tallowate
Mammarian Extract
Mayonnaise
MEA-Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Menhaden Oil -- Pogy Oil; Mossbunker Oil
Milk
Mink Oil
Minkamidopropyl Diethylamine
Muscle Extract
Musk
Musk Ambrette
Myristoyl Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
N
Neat's-Foot Oil
O
Oleamidopropyl Dimethylamine Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Oleostearine
Oleoyl Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Oleth-2, and 3
Oleth-5, and 10
Oleth-10
Oleth-25 and 50
Oleyl Alcohol
Oleyl Arachidate
Oleyl Imidazoline
Oleyl Lanolate
Ovarian Extract
P
Palmitoyl Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Palmitoyl Hydrolyzed Milk Protein
PEG-28 Glyceryl Tallowate
PEG-8 Hydrogenated Fish Glycerides
PEG-5 through -70 Hydrogenated Lanolin
PEG-13 Hydrogenated Tallow Amide
PEG-5 to -20 Lanolate
PEG-5 through -100 Lanolin
PEG-75 Lanolin Oil and Wax
PEG-2 Milk Solids
PEG-6, -8, -20 Sorbitan Beeswax
PEG-40, -75, or -80 Sorbitan Lanolate
PEG-3, -10, or -15 Tallow Aminopropylamine
PEG-15 Tallow Polyamine
PEG-20 Tallowate
Pentahydrosqualene
Perhydrosqualene
Pigskin Extract
Placental Enzymes, Lipids and Proteins
Placental Extract
Placental Protein
Polyglyceryl-2 Lanolin Alcohol Ether
Potassium Caseinate
Potassium Tallowate
Potassium Undecylenoyl Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
PPG-12-PEG-50 Lanolin
PPG-2, -5, -10. -20, -30 Lanolin Alcohol Ethers
PPG-30 Lanolin Ether
Pregnenolone Acetate
Pristane
Progesterone
Purcelline Oil Syn
R
Royal Jelly
S
Saccharide Hydrolysate
Saccharide Isomerate
Serum Albumin
Serum Proteins
Shark-Liver Oil
Shellac
Shellac Wax
Silk Amino Acids
Silk Powder
Sodium Caseinate
Sodium Chondroitin Sulfate
Sodium Coco-Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Sodium Hydrogenated Tallow Glutamate
Sodium Laneth Sulfate
Sodium Methyl Oleoyl Taurate
Sodium n-Mythyl-n-Oleyl Taurtate
Sodium Soya Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Sodium TAllow Sulfate
Sodium Tallowate
Sodium / TEA-Lauroyl Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Sodium / TEA-Undecylenoyl Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Sodium Undecylenate
Soluble (Animal) Collagen
Soya Hydroxyethyl Imidazoline
Spleen Extract
Squalene
Stearyl Alcohol -- Stenol
T
Tallow
Tallow Acid
Tallow Amide
Tallow Amidopropylamine Oxide
Tallow Amine
Tallow Amine Oxide
Tallow Glycerides
Tallow Hydroxyethal Imidazoline
Tallow Imidazoline
Tallowmide DEA and MEA
Tallowmidopropyl Hydroxysultaine
Tallowminopropylamine
Tallowmphoacete
Talloweth-6
Tallow Trimonium Chloride -- Tallow
Tea-Abietoyl Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Tea-Coco Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Tea-Lauroyl Animal Collagen
Amino Acids
Tea-Lauroyl Animal Keratin Amino Acids
Tea-Myristol Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Tea-Undecylenoyl Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Testicular Extract
Threonine
Triethonium Hydrolyzed Animal Protein Ethosulfate
Trilaneth-4 Phosphate
W
Wood Fat
Wool Wax Alcohols
Y
Yogurt
Z
Zinc Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
THE FOLLOWING INGREDIENTS MAY BE ANIMAL-DERIVED:
A
Acetaldehyde -- Ethanal
Acetic Acid
Acetic Anhydride -- Acetyl Oxide; Acetic Oxide
Acetoin -- Acetyl Methyl Carbinol
Acetylated Sucrose Distearte
Acetylmethylcarbinol
Alanine
Alcloxa -- Aluminum Chlorohydroxy Allantoinate
Aldol
Allantoin
Allantoin Acetyl Methionine
Allantoin Ascorbate
Allantoin Biotin
Allantoin Calcium Pantothenate
Allantoin Galacturonic Acid
Allantoin Glycyrrhetinic Acid
Allantoin Polygalacturonic Acid
Allantoinate
Aluminum Acetate -- Burow's Solution
Aluminum Chorhydroxy Allantoinate
Aluminum Distearate
Aluminum Isostearates/Laurates/Stearates
Aluminum Isostearates/Myristates
Aluminum Isostearates/Palmitates
Aluminum Lactate
Aluminum Myristates/Palmitates
Aluminum Salts (Aluminum Acetate, Aluminum Lanolate, Aluminum Stearate,
..Aluminum Tristearate)
Aluminum Stearates
Aluminum Tripalmitate/Triisostearate
Aluminum Tristearate
Ammonium C12-15 Pareth Sulfate -- Pareth-25-3 Sulfate
Ammonium Isostearate
Ammonium Myristyl Sulfate
Ammonium Oleate
Ammonium Stearate -- Stearic Acid; Ammonium Salt
Amphoteric
Amphoteric-2
Ascorbyl Stearate
Asparagine
Aspartic-Acid -- DL & L Forms; Aminosuccinate Acid
B
Basic Voilet 10
Beheneth-5, -10, -20, -30
Behenic Acid -- Docosanoic Acid
Behenic Acid -- Docosanol
Beta-Carotene -- Provitamin A; Beta Carotene
Betaine
Biotin -- Vitamin H; Vitamin B Factor
Brilliantines
Burow's Solution
Butyl Acetate -- Acetic Acid; Butyl Ester
Butyl Glycolate
Butyl Oleate
Butyl Palmitate
Butyl Phrhaly Butyl Glycolate
Butylrolactone -- Butanolide
C
C18-36 Acid
C29-70 Acid -- C29-70 Carboxylic Acids
C18-36 Acid Glycol Ester
C18-36 Acid Triglyceride
C9-11 Alcohols
C12-16 Alcohols
C14-15 Alcohols
C12-15 Alcohols Benzoate
C12-15 Alcohols Lactate
C21 Dicarboxylic Acid
C15-18 Glycol
C18-20 Glycol Palmitate
C8-9, C9-11, C9-13, C9-14, C10-11, C10-13, C11-12, C11-13, C12-14, C13-14,
..C13-16, and C20-40 IsoParaffins
C11-15 Pareth-12 Stearate
C11-15 Pareth-40
C12-13 Pareth 3-7
C14-15 Pareth-7, -11, -13
C10-18 Triglycerieds
Calcium Stearate
Calcium Stearoyl Lactylate
Caproamphoacetate
Caproamhodiacetate
Capryl Betaine
Caprylamine Oxide
Caprylic / Capric / Stearic Triglyceride
Caprylic Acid
Caprylamphoacetate
Capryloamphodiacetate
Carbamide
Cetearalkonium Bromide
Ceteareth-3 -- Cetyl/Stearyl Ether
Ceteareth-4, -6, -8, -10, -12, -15, -17, -20, -27, -30
Ceteareth-5
Cetaryl Alcohol
Ceteth-1
Cetyl-
Cetyl Alcohol
Cetyl Ammonium
Cetyl Arachidate
Cetyl Betaine
Cetyl Esters
Cetyl Lactate
Cetyl Myristate
Cetyl Octanoate
Cetyl Palmitate
Cetyl Phosphate
Cetyl Ricinoleate
Cetyl Stearate
Cetyl Stearyl Glycol
Cetylarachidol
Cetylpyridinium Chloride
Cetyltrymethylammonium BromideChitin
Cloflucarbon
D
Deceth-7-Carboxylic Acid
Decyl Betaine
Diacetyl
Diazo-
Diazolidinyl Urea -- Germall II (TM)
Dicetyl Adipate
Dicetyl Thiodipropionate
Diethyl Asparate
Diethyl Palmitoyl Apartate
Diethyl Sebacate
Diethylaminoethyl Stearamide
Diethylaminoethyl Stearate
Diglyceryl Stearate Malate
Dihydroxyethyl Soyamine Dioleate
Dihydroxyethyl Stearamine Oxide
Dihydroxyethyl Stearyl Glycinate
Dimethyl Behenamine
Dimethyl Lauramine Oleate
Dimethyl Myristamine
Dimethyl Palmitamine
Dimethyl Stearamine
Dimethylaminopropyl Oleamide
Dimethylaminopropyl Stearamide
Dimethylol Urea
Dimyristyl Thiodipropionate
Dioleth-8-Phosphate
Direct Black 51
Direct Red 23 -- Fast Scarlet 4BSA
Direct Red 80
Direct Violet 48
Direct Yellow 12 -- Chrysophenine G
Disodium Cetaeryl Sulfosuccinate
Disodium Isostearamino Mea- Sulfosuccinate
Disodium Monooleamidosulfosuccinate
Disodium Monoricinoleamido Mea-Sulfosuccinate
Disodium Oleamido MIPA-Sulfosuccinate
Disodium Oleamido PEG-2 Sulfosuccinate
Disodium Oleyl Sulfosuccinate
Disodium Stearmido MEA-Sulfosuccinate
Disodium Stearminodipionate
Disodium Stearyl Sulfosuccinate
Distearyl Thiodipropionate
DI-TEA-Palmitoyl Asparate
Dodecanedionic Acid; Cetearyl Alcohol; Glycol Copolymer
Dodecyltetradecanol
E
Enfleurage
Enzyme
Ethyl Aspartate
Ethyl Oleate
Ethyl Palmitate
Ethyl Serinate
Ethyl Stearate
Ethyl Urocanate
Ethylene Dioleamide
Ethylene Distearamide
Ethylene Urea
Ethylhexyl Palmitate
F
Fatty Alcohols -- Cetyl; Stearyl; Lauryl; Myristyl
Folic Acid
Fructose
G
Gel (not Silica gel)
Glucose Glutamate
Glyceryl Caprate
Glyceryl Caprylate
Glyceryl Caprylate/Caprate
Glyceryl Dioleate
Glyceryl Distearate
Glyceryl Hydrostearate
Glyceryl Hydrostearate
Glyceryl Hydroxystearate
Glyceryl Isostearate
Glyceryl Monostearate
Glyceryl Myristate
Glyceryl Oleate
Glyceryl Palmitate Lactate
Glyceryl Stearate SE
Glyceryl Trimyristate
Glycol Stearate SE
Glycyrrhetinyl Stearate
Guanidine Carbonate
Guanosine
H
Hexanediol Distearate
Histidine
Hydrogenated Fatty Oils
Hydroxylated Lecithin
Hydroxyoctacosanyl Hydroxyastearate
Hydroxystearmide MEA
Hydroxystearic Acid
I
Imidazlidinyl Urea
Indole
Isobutyl Myristate
Isobutyl Palmitate
Isobutyl Stearate
Isoceteth-10, -20, -30
Isocetyl Alcohol
Isocetyl Isodecanoate
Isocetyl Palmitate
Isocetyl Stearate
Isocetyl Stearoyl Stearate
Isoceteth-10 Stearate
Isodecyl hydroxystearate
Isodecyl Myristate
Isodecyl Oleate
Isodecyl Palmitate
Isohyxyl Palmitate
Isopropyl Acetate
Isopropyl Isostearate
Isopropyl Myristate
Isopropyl Palmitate
Isopropyl Stearate
Isostearamidopropalkonium Chloride
Isostearamidopropyl Betaine
Isostearamidopropyl
Dimethylamine Glycolate
Isostearamidopropyl Dimethylamine Lactate
Isostearamidopropyl Ethyldimonium Ethosulfate
Isostearamidopropyl Morpholine Lactate
Isostearamidoporopylamine Oxide
Isosteareth-2 through -20
Isostearic Acid
Isostearoamphoglycinate
Isostearoamphopropionate
Isostearyl Alcohol
Isostearyl Benzylimidonium Chloride
Isostearyl Diglyceryl Succinate
Isostearyl Erucate
Isostearyl Ethylimidonium Ethosulfate
Isostearyl Hydroxyethyl Imidazoline
Isostearyl Imidazoline
Isostearyl Isostearate
Isostearyl Lactate
Isostearyl Neopentanoate
Isostearyl Palmitate
Isostearyl Stearoyl STearate
L
Lactic Acid
Lauroyl Sarcosine
Lauryl Isostearate
Lauryl Palmitate
Lauryl Stearate
Lauryl Suntaine
Lecithin
Lithium Stearate
M
Magnesium Myristate Magnesium Oleate
Magnesium Stearate
Methyl Gluceth-10 or -20
Methyl Glucet-20 Sesquistereate -- Glucamate
Methyl Glucose Sesquioleate
Methyl Glucose Sesquistearate
Methyl Hydroxystearate
Methyl Lactate
Methyl Myristate
Methyl Oleate
Methyl Palmitate
Mixed Isopropanolamines
Myristate
Morpholine Stearate
Myreth-3
Myreth-3 Caprate -- Myristic Ethoxy Caprate
Myreth-3 Laurate
Myreth-3 Myristate
Myreth-4
Myristamide DEA -- Myristic Diethanolamide
Myristamide MIPA
Myristamidopropyl Betaine
Myristamidopropyl Diethylamine
Myristamidopropylamine Oxide
Myristamine Oxide
Myristaminopropionic Acid
Myristate
Myristic Acid
Myristimide MEA
Myristoamphoacetate
Myristoyl Sarcosine
Myristyl Alcohol
Myristyl Betaine
Myristyl Hydroxyethyl Imidazoline
Myristyl Isostearate
Myristyl Lactate
Myristyl Myristate
Myristyl Neopentanoate -- Ceraphyl
Myristyl Propionate
Myristyl Stearate
Myristyleicosanol
Myristyleicosyl Stearate
Myristyloctadecanol
N
Nonyl Acetate
O
Octododecanol-2 -- Octyl Dodecanol
Octododeceth-20, -25
Octododecyl Myristate
Octoxyglyceryl Behenate
Octyl Acetoxystearate
Octyl Hydroxystearate
Octyl Palmitate
Octyl Stearate
Octyldocecanol
Octyldodecyl Stearate
Octyldodecyl Stearoyl Stearate
Oleamide -- Oleylamide
Oleamide DEA -- Oleic Diethanolamide
Oleamide MIPA
Oleamine Oxide
Oleic Acid
Oleoyl Sarcosine
Oleth-3 Phosphate
Oleth 20
Oleth-20 Phosphate
Oleyl Betaine
Oleyl Myristate
Oleyl Oleate
Oleyl Stearate
Orotic Acid -- Pyrimidecarboxylic Acid
P
Palmamamidopropyl Betaine
Palmitamide DEA, MEA
Palmitamidopropyl Betaine
Palmitamindopropyl Diethylamine
Palmitamine
Palmitamine Oxide -- Palmityl Dimethylamine Oxide
Palmitate
Palmitic Acid
Panthenyl Ethyl Etheracetate
Pareth-25- 12
PEG-9 Caprylate
PEG-8 Caprylate / Caprate
PEG-6 Caprylic / Capric Glycerides
PEG-6 to -150 Dioleate
PEG-3 Dipalmitate
PEG-2 through -175 Distearate
PEG-5 through -120 Glyceryl Stearate
PEG-25 Glyceryl Trioleate
PEG-6 or -12 Isostearate
PEG-20 Methyl Glucose Sesquistearate
PEG-4 Octanoate
PEG-2 through -9 Oleamide
PEG-2 through -30 Oleamide
PEG-12, -20, or -30 Oleate
PEG-3 through -150 Oleate
PEG-6 through -20 Palmitate
PEG-25 through -125 Propylene Glycol Stearate
PEG-8 Sesquioleate
PEG-5 or -20 Sorbitan Isostearate
PEG-3 or -6 Sorbitan Oleate
PEG-80 Sorbitan Palmitate
PEG-40 Sorbitan Peroleate
PEG-3 or -40 Sorbitan Stearate
PEG-30, -40, or -60 Sorbitan Tetraoleate
PEG-60 Sorbitan Tetrastearate
PEG-2 through -150 Stearate
PEG-66 or -200 Tryhydroxystearin
Pentaerythrityl Tetraoctanoate
Pentaerythrityl Tetrastearate and
Calcium Stearate
Phospholipids -- Phosphatides
Polyglycerol
Polyglycerol-4 Cocoate
Polyglycerol-10 Decalinoleate
Polyglycerol-2 Diisostearate
Polyglycerol-6 Dioleate
Polyglycerol-6 Distearate
Polyglycerol-3 Hydroxylauryl Ether
Polyglycerol-4 Isostearate
Polyglycerol-3, -4 or -8 Oleate
Polyglycerol-2 or -4 Oleyl Ether
Polyglycerol-2 PEG-4 Stearate
Polyglycerol-2 Sesquiisostearate
Polyglycerol-2 Sesquioleate
Polyglycerol-3, -4 or -8 Stearate
Polyglycerol-10 Tertraoleate
Polyglycerol-2 Tetrastearate
Polysorbate 60 and Polysorbate 80
Potassium Apartate
Potassium Coco-Hydrolyzed Protein
Potassium DNA
Potassium Oleate-Oleic Acid
Potassium Salt
Potassium Myristate
Potassium Palmitate
Potassium Stearate -- Stearic Acid
Potassium Salt
PPG-3-Myreth-11
PPG-4-Ceteareth-12
PPG-4-Ceteth-1, -5 or -10
PPG-4 Myristyl Ether
PPG-5-Ceteth- 10 Phosphate
PPG-6-C12-18 Pareth
PPG-8-Ceteth, -5, -10, or -20
PPG-9-Steareth-3
PPG-10-Ceteareth-20
PPG-10 Cetyl Ether
leyl Ether
PPG-11 or -15 Stearyl Ether
PPG-26 Oleate -- Polyxypropylene
2000 Monooleate; Carbowax
PPG-28 Cetyl Ether
PPG-30 Cetyl Ether
PPG-30, -50, Oleyl Ether
PPG-36 Oleate -- Polyoxypropylene (36)
Monooleate
PPG-Isocetyl Ether PPG-3-
Isosteareth-9
Proline
Propylene Glycol Myristate
Protein Fatty Acid Condensates
Proteins
Pyridium Compounds
Pyroligneous Acid
R
Retinyl Palmitate
Ribonucleic Acid -- RNA
S
Sarcosines
S-Carboxy Methyl Cysteine
Sebactic Acid -- Decanedioic Acid
Serine
Skatole
Sodium Aluminum Chloroydroxyl Lactate
Sodium C12-15 Pareth-7
Carboxylate
Sodium C12-15 Pareth-Sulfate
Sodium Cetearyl Sulfate
Sodium Cetyl Sulfate
Sodium Cocyl Sarcosinate
Sodium DNA
Sodium Glyceryl Oleate Phosphate
Sodium Isosteareth-6 Carboxylate
Sodium Isosteroyl LacrylatE
Sodium Myreth Sulfate
Sodium Myristate
Sodium Myristoyl Isethionate
Sodium Myristoyl Sarcosinate
Sodium Myristyl Sulfate
Sodium Oleth-7 or -8 Phosphate
Sodium Palmitate
Sodium Pareth- 15-7 or 25-7
Carboxylate
Sodium Pareth-23 or -25 Sulfate
Sodium PCA
Sodium PCA Methysilanol
Sodium Ribonucleic Acid -- SRNA
Sodium Sarcosinate
Sodium Soap
Sodium Stearate
Sodium Steroyl Lactylate
Sodium Urocanate
Sorbeth-6 Hexastearate
Sorbitan Diisoseate
Sorbitan Dioleate
Sorbitan Fatty Acid Esters
Sorbitan Isostearate
Sorbitan Oleate -- Sorbitan Monooleate
Sorbitan Palmitate -- Span 40 (TM)
Sorbitan Sesquioleate
Sorbitan Sequistearate
Sorbitan Triisostearate
Sorbitan Tristearate
Spermaceti -- Cetyl Palmitate
Stearalkonium Bentonite
Stearalkonium Chloride
Stearalkonium Hectorite
Stearamide
Stearamide DEA -- Stearic Acid
Diethanolamide
Stearamide DIBA Stearate
Stearamide MIPA Stearate
Stearamide MIPA
Stearamide Oxide
Stearmidopropalkonium Chloride
Stearamidopropyl Dimethylamine
Stearamine
Stearamine Oxide
Stearates
Steareth-2
Steareth-4 through -100
Stearic Acid
Stearic Hydrazide
Stearmidoethyl Diethylamine
Stearoamphoacetate
Stearoamphocarboxyglycinate
Stearoamphodiacetate
Stearoamphohydroxypropysulfonate
Stearoamphopropionate
Stearone
Stearoxy Dimethicone
Stearoxytrimethylsilane
Stearoyl Lactylic Acid
Stearoyl Sarcosine
Steartrimonium Chloride
Steartrimonium Hydrolyzed Animal Protein
Stearyl Acetate
Stearyl Betaine
Stearyl Caprylate
Stearyl Citrate
Stearyl Erucamide
Stearyl Erucate
Stearyl Ghycyrrhetinate
Stearyl Heptanoate
Stearyl Hydroxyethyl Imidazoline
Stearyl Lactate
Stearyl Octanoate
Stearyl Stearate
Stearyl Stearoyl Stearate
Stearyldimethyl Amine
Stearylvinyl Ether/Maleic
Anhydride Copolymer
Steriods (sic) (could be misspelling for steroids)
Sterol
Sucrose Distearate
Sucrose Laurate
Sucrose Stearate
Synthetic Spermaceti
T
TEA-Lauroyl Sarcosinate
TEA-Myristate
TEA-Oleate -- Triethanolamine Oleate
TEA-Palm-Kernel Sarcosinate
TEA-Stearate
Terpinyl Acetate
Tetramethyl Decynediol
TIPA-Stearate
Tridecyl Stearate
Tryhydroxy Stearin
Triisostearin
Trimethylopropane Triisostearate
Trimyristin-Glyceryl Trimyristate
Trioleth-8 Phosphate
Trioleyl Phosphate
Tristearin
Tristearyl Citrate
Tryptophan
Tyrosine
U
Undecylpentadecanol
Urea -- Carbamide
Urease
V
Valine
W
Waxes
Z
Zinc Stearate -- Zinc Soap

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@@ -0,0 +1,145 @@
THE ANNAPOLIS CONVENTION:
Proceedings of the Commissioners to Remedy Defects of the
Federal Government, Annapolis in the State of Maryland.
September 14, 1786
To the Honorable, The Legislatures of Virginia, Delaware,
Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and New York -
The Commissioners from the said States, respectively
assembled at Annapolis, humbly beg leave to report.
That, pursuant to their several appointments, they met, at
Annapolis in the State of Maryland on the eleventh day of
September Instant, and having proceeded to a Communication
of their Powers; they found that the States of New York,
Pennsylvania, and Virginia, had, in substance, and nearly
in the same terms, authorized their respective Commissions
"to meet such other Commissioners as were, or might be,
appointed by the other States in the Union, at such time and
place as should be agreed upon by the said Commissions to take
into consideration the trade and commerce of the United States,
to consider how far a uniform system in their commercial
intercourse and regulations might be necessary to their common
interest and permanent harmony, and to report to the several
States such an Act, relative to this great object, as when
unanimously by them would enable the United States in
Congress assembled effectually to proved for the same."...
That the State of New Jersey had enlarged the object of their
appointment, empowering their Commissioners, "to consider how
far a uniform system in their commercial regulations and other
important matters, mighty be necessary to the common interest
and permanent harmony of the several States," and to report such
an Act on the subject, as when ratified by them, "would enable
the United States in Congress assembled, effectually to provide
for the exigencies of the Union."
That appointments of Commissioners have also been made by the
States of New Hampshire, Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and North
Carolina, none of whom, however, have attended; but that no
information has been received by your Commissioners, of any
appointment having been made by the States of Connecticut,
Maryland, South Carolina or Georgia.
That the express terms of the powers of your Commissioners
supposing a deputation from all the States, and having for
object the Trade and Commerce of the United States, Your
Commissioners did not conceive it advisable to proceed on
the business of their mission, under the Circumstances of
so partial and defective a representation.
Deeply impressed, however, with the magnitude and importance
of the object confided to them on this occasion, your
Commissioners cannot forbear to indulge an expression of
their earnest and unanimous wish, that speedy measures be
taken, to effect a general meeting, of the States, in a
future Convention, for the same, and such other purposes,
as the situation of public affairs may be found to require.
If in expressing this wish, or in intimating any other
sentiment, your Commissioners should seem to exceed the strict
bounds of their appointment, they entertain a full confidence,
that a conduct, dictated by an anxiety for the welfare of the
United States, will not fail to receive an indulgent construction.
In this persuasion, your Commissioners submit an opinion, that
the Idea of extending the powers of their Deputies, to other
objects, than those of Commerce, which has been adopted by the
State of New Jersey, was an improvement on the original plan,
and will deserve to be incorporated into that of a future
Convention; they are the more naturally led to this conclusion,
as in the course of their reflections on the subject, they have
been induced to think, that the power of regulating trade is
of such comprehensive extent, and will enter so far into the
general System of the federal government, that to give it
efficacy, and to obviate questions and doubts concerning its
precise nature and limits, may require a correspondent
adjustment of other parts of the Federal System.
That there are important defects in the system of the Federal
Government is acknowledged by the Acts of all those States,
which have concurred in the present Meeting; That the defects,
upon a closer examination, may be found greater and more
numerous, than even these acts imply, is at least so far
probably, from the embarrassments which characterize the
present State of our national affairs, foreign and domestic,
as may reasonably be supposed to merit a deliberate and candid
discussion, in some mode, which will unite the Sentiments and
Councils of all the States. In the choice of the mode, your
Commissioners are of opinion, that a Convention of Deputies
from the different States, for the special and sole purpose
of entering into this investigation, and digesting a plan for
supplying such defects as may be discovered to exist, will be
entitled to a preference from considerations, which will occur
without being particularized.
Your Commissioners decline an enumeration of those national
circumstances on which their opinion respecting the propriety
of a future Convention, with more enlarged powers, is founded;
as it would be a useless intrusion of facts and observations,
most of which have been frequently the subject of public
discussion, and none of which can have escaped the penetration
of those to whom they would in this instance be addressed.
They are, however, of a nature so serious, as, in the view
of your Commissioners, to render the situation of the United
States delicate and critical, calling for an exertion of the
untied virtue and wisdom of all the members of the Confederacy.
Under this impression, Your Commissioners, with the most
respectful deference, beg leave to suggest their unanimous
conviction that it may essentially tend to advance the interests
of the union if the States, by whom they have been respectively
delegated, would themselves concur, and use their endeavors
to procure the concurrence of the other States, in the
appointment of Commissioners, to meet at Philadelphia on the
second Monday in May next, to take into consideration the
situation of the United States, to devise such further
provisions as shall appear to them necessary to render the
constitution of the Federal Government adequate to the
exigencies of the Union; and to report such an Act for that
purpose to the United States in Congress assembled, as when
agreed to, by them, and afterwards confirmed by the Legislatures
of every State, will effectually provide for the same.
Though your Commissioners could not with propriety address
these observations and sentiments to any but the States they
have the honor to represent, they have nevertheless concluded
from motives of respect, to transmit copies of the Report to
the United States in Congress assembled, and to the executives
of the other States.
------------------------------------
Prepared by Gerald Murphy (The Cleveland Free-Net - aa300)
Distributed by the Cybercasting Services Division of the
National Public Telecomputing Network (NPTN).
Permission is hereby granted to download, reprint, and/or otherwise
redistribute this file, provided appropriate point of origin
credit is given to the preparer(s) and the National Public
Telecomputing Network.
V<EFBFBD><EFBFBD>R<EFBFBD><EFBFBD>T


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@@ -0,0 +1,778 @@
From caf-talk Caf Jun 8 19:52:43 1992
Newsgroups: comp.society
Subject: Anonymity and privacy on the network
Message-ID: <92083.072152SOCICOM@auvm.american.edu>
Date: 23 Mar 92 12:21:52 GMT
Organization: The American University - University Computing Center
Lines: 759
Approved: SOCICOM@AUVM
Moderator's note: The following article is a lengthy excerpt from a
recent issue of FIDONEWS concerning individual privacy and the use of
aliases or handles in computer-based communications. It was submitted by
a comp.society reader who used a handle; because the excerpt is a cross-
post from another electronic publication, I have taken the liberty of
viewing the use of a handle by sender as a request for privacy and
anonymity similar to the request a newspaper editor might receive in a
letter to the editor. Thus, while reprinting the submission, the name
and address of the sender are "withheld upon request." The article
raises a number of good points; the submission by a reader using a handle
to preserve anonymity makes a point; and the editorial action of
submitting the reader's posting anonymously makes the question current.
What are the implications of using aliases on the net?
Greg Welsh, moderator, comp.society
Internet: Socicom@american.edu
Bitnet: Socicom@auvm.bitnet
[begin excerpt]
F I D O N E W S -- | Vol. 9 No. 9 (2 March 1992)
The newsletter of the |
FidoNet BBS community | Published by:
_ |
/ \ | "FidoNews" BBS
/|oo \ | (415)-863-2739
(_| /_) | FidoNet 1:1/1
_`@/_ \ _ | Internet:
| | \ \\ | fidonews@fidonews.fidonet.org
| (*) | \ )) |
|__U__| / \// | Editors:
_//|| _\ / | Tom Jennings
(_/(_|(____/ | Tim Pozar
(jm) |
----------------------------+---------------------------------------
Published weekly by and for the Members of the FidoNet international
amateur network. Copyright 1992, Fido Software. All rights reserved.
Duplication and/or distribution permitted for noncommercial purposes
only. For use in other circumstances, please contact FidoNews.
Paper price: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . $5.00US
Electronic Price: . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . free!
For more information about FidoNews refer to the end of this file.
--------------------------------------------------------------------
[...some editing...]
======================================================================
ARTICLES
======================================================================
The Joy of Handles
Mahatma Kane Jeeves
101/138.8
David Lescohier
101/138.0
THE JOY OF HANDLES
------------------
or:
EVERYTHING YOU ALWAYS WANTED TO KNOW ABOUT ME
(but have no right to ask)
--------------------------
* * * * *
We should never so entirely avoid danger as to appear
irresolute and cowardly. But, at the same time, we should
avoid unnecessarily exposing ourselves to danger, than
which nothing can be more foolish. [Cicero]
* * * * *
Do you trust me?
If you participate in computer conferencing, and you use
your real name, then you'd better.
"Why?", you ask. "What can you do with my name?" To start
with, given that and your origin line, I can probably look
you up in your local phone book, and find out where you
live. Even if you are unlisted, there are ways to locate
you based on your name. If you own any property, or pay any
utility bills, your address is a matter of public record.
Do you have children in the public schools? It would be
easy to find out. But that's just the beginning.
Former Chairman of the U.S. Privacy Protection Commission
David F. Linowes, in his book "Privacy in America" (1989),
writes of New York private investigator Irwin Blye:
"Challenged to prove his contention that, given a little
time and his usual fee, he could learn all about an
individual without even speaking with him, Blye was
presented with a subject -- a New Jersey
newspaperman.... The result was a five-page, single-
spaced, typed report which documented, though not always
accurately, a wide sweep of the journalist's past, and
was detailed to the point of disclosing his father's
income before his retirement."
Who am I? If I don't post, you might not even know I exist.
I could be on your local Police Department, or an agent
working with the IRS, or some federal law-enforcement
agency. I could be a member of some fanatical hate group,
or criminal organization. I might even be a former Nixon
White-House staffer!
I could be that pyromaniacal teenager you flamed last
weekend, for posting a step-by-step description of how he
made plastic explosive in his high-school chem lab. He
seemed kind of mad.
But you're an upstanding citizen; you have nothing to hide.
So why not use your name on the nets? Trust me. There's
nothing to worry about.
Is there?
* * * * *
WHAT'S ALL THIS BROUHAHA?
-------------------------
Stupidity is evil waiting to happen. [Clay Bond]
Not long ago in Fidonet's BCSNET echo (the Boston Computer
Society's national conference), the following was posted by
the conference moderator to a user calling himself "Captain
Kirk":
"May we ask dear Captain Kirk that it would be very
polite if you could use your real name in an echomail
conference? This particular message area is shared
with BBS's all across the country and everyone else is
using their real name. It is only common courtesy to
do so in an echomail conference."
One of us (mkj) responded with a post questioning that
policy. Soon the conference had erupted into a heated
debate! Although mkj had worried that the subject might be
dismissed as trivial, it apparently touched a nerve. It
brought forth debate over issues and perceptions central to
computer communications in general, and it revealed profound
disparities in fundamental values and assumptions among
participants.
This article is a response to that debate, and to the
prevailing negative attitudes regarding the use of handles.
Handles seem to have a bad reputation. Their use is
strangely unpopular, and frequently forbidden by network
authorities. Many people seem to feel that handles are rude
or dishonest, or that anyone wishing to conceal his or her
identity must be up to no good. It is the primary purpose
of this article to dispel such prejudices.
Let us make one thing perfectly clear here at the outset: We
do NOT challenge the need or the right of sysops to know the
identities of their users! But we do believe that a sysop
who collects user names has a serious responsibility to
protect that information. This means making sure that no
one has access to the data without a legal warrant, and it
certainly means not pressuring users to broadcast their real
names in widespread public forums such as conferences.
* * * * *
SO YOU WANT TO BE A STAR?
-------------------------
John Lennon died for our sins. [anonymous]
Andy Warhol said that "In the future, everyone will be
famous for fifteen minutes". The computer nets, more than
any other medium, lend credibility to this prediction. A
network conference may span the globe more completely than
even satellite TV, yet be open to anyone who can afford the
simplest computer and modem. Through our participation in
conferencing, each of us becomes, if only briefly, a public
figure of sorts -- often without realizing it, and without
any contemplation of the implications and possible
consequences.
Brian Reid (reid@decwrl.DEC.COM) conducts and distributes
periodic surveys of Usenet conference readership. His
statistical results for the end of 1991 show that of the
1,459 conferences which currently make up Usenet, more than
fifty percent have over 20,000 readers apiece; the most
popular conferences are each seen by about 200,000 readers!
Mr. Reid's estimate of total Usenet readership is nearly TWO
MILLION people.
Note that Mr. Reid's numbers are for Usenet only; they do
not include any information on other large public nets such
as RIME (PC-Relaynet), Fido, or dozens of others, nor do
they take into account thousands of private networks which
may have indirect public network connections. The total
number of users with access to public networks is unknown,
but informed estimates range to the tens of millions, and
the number keeps growing at an amazing pace -- in fact, the
rate of growth of this medium may be greater than any other
communications medium in history.
The special problems and risks which arise when one deals
with a large public audience are something about which most
computer users have little or no experience or
understanding. Until recently, those of us involved in
computer conferencing have comprised a small and rather
elite community. The explosion in network participation is
catching us all a little unprepared.
Among media professionals and celebrities, on the other
hand, the risks of conducting one's business in front of a
public audience are all too familiar. If the size of one's
audience becomes sufficiently large, one must assume that
examples of virtually every personality type will be
included: police and other agents of various governments,
terrorists, murderers, rapists, religious fanatics, the
mentally ill, robbers and con artists, et al ad infinitum.
It must also be assumed that almost anything you do, no
matter how innocuous, could inspire at least one person,
somewhere, to harbor ill will toward you.
The near-fatal stabbing of actress Theresa Saldana is a case
in point. As she was walking to her car one morning near her
West Hollywood apartment, a voice behind her asked, "Are you
Theresa Saldana?"; when she turned to answer, a man she had
never seen before pulled out a kitchen knife and stabbed her
repeatedly.
After her lengthy and painful recovery, she wrote a book on
the experience ("Beyond Survival", 1986). In that book she
wrote:
[pg 12] "... Detective Kalas informed me that the
assailant, whom he described as a Scottish drifter, had
fixated upon me after seeing me in films."
[pg 28] "... it was through my work as an actress that
the attacker had fixated on me. Naturally, this made
me consider getting out of show business ..."
[pg 34] "For security, I adopted an alias and became
'Alicia Michaels.' ... during the months that followed
I grew so accustomed to it that, to this day, I still
answer reflexively when someone calls the name Alicia!"
Or consider the fate of Denver radio talk show host Alan
Berg, who in 1984 died outside his home in a hail of
gunfire. Police believe he was the victim of a local neo-
nazi group who didn't like his politics.
We are reminded of the murders of John Lennon and Rebecca
Shaffer; the Reagan/Hinckley/Foster incident; and a long
string of other "celebrity attacks" of all sorts, including
such bizarre events as the occupation of David Letterman's
home by a strange woman who claimed to be his wife! There is
probably no one in public life who doesn't receive at least
the occassional threatening letter.
Of course, ordinary participants in network conferencing may
never attract quite the attention that other types of
celebrities attract. But consider the following, rather less
apocalyptic scenarios:
-- On Friday night you post a message to a public
conference defending an unpopular or controversial
viewpoint. On Monday morning your biggest client
cancels a major contract. Or you are kept up all
night by repeated telephone calls from someone
demanding that you "stop killing babies"!
-- You buy your teenage son or daughter a computer and
modem. Sometime later you find your lawn littered
with beer bottles and dug up with tire marks, or
your home vandalized or burglarized.
-- One day you are nominated to the Supreme Court. Who
are all these strange people on TV claiming to be
your friends? How did that fellow know your position
on abortion? Your taste in GIFs?
Celebrities and other professional media personalities
accept the risks and sacrifices of notoriety, along with the
benefits, as part of their chosen careers. Should computer
conference participants be expected to do the same? And who
should be making these decisions?
* * * * *
OTHER MEDIA
-----------
When thou art at Rome, do as they do at Rome [Cervantes]
Older media seem to address the problems of privacy very
differently than computer media, at least so far. We are
not aware of ANY medium or publication, apart from computer
conferencing, where amateur or even most professional
participants are required to expose their true names against
their will. Even celebrities frequently use "stage names",
and protect their addresses and phone numbers as best they
can.
When a medium caters specifically to the general public,
participants are typically given even greater opportunities
to protect their privacy. Television talk shows have been
known to go so far as to employ silhouetting and electronic
alteration of voices to protect the identities of guests,
and audience members who participate are certainly not
required to state their full names before speaking.
The traditional medium most analogous to computer
conferencing may be talk radio. Like conferencing, talk
radio is a group discussion and debate medium oriented
toward controversy, where emotions can run high. Programs
often center around a specific topic, and are always run by
a "host" whose role seems analogous in many respects to that
of a conference moderator. It is therefore worth noting
that in talk radio generally, policy seems to be that
callers are identified on the air only by their first names
(unless of course they volunteer more).
Finally, of course, authors have published under "pen names"
since the dawn of publishing, and newspapers and magazines
frequently publish letters to the editor with "name and
address withheld by request" as the signature line. Even
founding fathers Alexander Hamilton, James Madison and John
Jay, in authoring the seminal Federalist Papers in 1787 for
publication in the Letters columns of various New York City
newspapers, concealed their identities behind the now-famous
psuedonym "Publius".
What would you think if someone called a radio talk show
demanding to know the identity of a previous caller? Such a
demand would undoubtedly be seen as menacing and
inappropriate in that context. Yet that same demand seems
to arise without much challenge each time a handle shows up
in a computer conference. The authors of this article feel
that such demands should always be looked upon as
suspicious, and that it would be beneficial for moderators
to take upon themselves the responsibility of making sure
that besieged handle-users are aware of their right to
refuse such inappropriate demands.
It is reasonable to assume that privacy policies in
traditional media are the result of hard-won wisdom gained
from long experience. Are we so arrogant that we cannot
learn from others? It is not hard to imagine the sorts of
problems and experiences which shaped these policies in the
old media. Will we have to wait for similar problems to
occur on the computer networks before we learn?
* * * * *
PRIVACY AND SURVEILLANCE
------------------------
In an effort to identify people who fail to file tax
returns, the Internal Revenue Service is matching
its files against available lists of names and
addresses of U.S. citizens who have purchased
computers for home use. The IRS continues to seek
out sources for such information. This information
is matched against the IRS master file of taxpayers
to see if those who have not filed can be
identified.
[COMPUTERWORLD, Sept. 1985]
Date: Thu, 23 May 91 11:58:07 PDT
From: mmm@cup.portal.com
Subject: The RISKS of Posting to the Net
-
I just had an interesting visit from the FBI. It
seems that a posting I made to sci.space several
months ago had filtered through channels, caused the
FBI to open (or re-open) a file on me, and an agent
wanted to interview me, which I did voluntarily...
I then went on to tell him about the controversy
over Uunet, and their role in supplying archives of
Usenet traffic on tape to the FBI...
[RISKS Digest]
Also frequent are instances where computers are
seized incident to an unrelated arrest. For
example, on February 28, 1991, following an arrest
on charges of rape and battery, the Massachusetts
state and local police seized the suspect's computer
equipment. The suspect reportedly operated a 650-
subscriber bulletin board called "BEN," which is
described as "geared largely to a gay/leather/S&M
crowd." It is not clear what the board's seizure is
supposed to have accomplished, but the board is now
shut down, and the identities and messages of its
users are in the hands of the police.
[CONSTITUTIONAL, LEGAL, AND ETHICAL
CONSIDERATIONS FOR DEALING WITH ELECTRONIC
FILES IN THE AGE OF CYBERSPACE, Harvey A.
Silverglate and Thomas C. Viles]
Most of us have been brought up to be grateful for the fact
that we live in a nation where freedom is sacred. In other
countries, we are told as children, people are afraid to
speak their minds for fear they are being watched. Thank
God we live in America!
It would surprise most of us to learn that America is
currently among the premiere surveillance nations in the
world, but such, sadly, is indeed the case. Our leadership
in technology has helped the U.S. government to amass as
much information on its citizens as almost any other nation
in history, totalitarian or otherwise. And to make matters
worse, a consumer surveillance behemoth has sprung up
consisting of huge private data-collection agencies which
cater to business.
As Evan Hendricks, editor of "Privacy Times" (a Washington
D.C.-based newsletter) has put it: "You go through life
dropping bits and pieces of information about yourself
everywhere. Most people don't realize there are big vacuum
cleaners out there sucking it all up." [Wall Street
Journal, March 14, 1991].
To get an idea of how much of your privacy has already been
lost, consider the bits and pieces of information about
yourself which are already available to investigators, and
how thoroughly someone might come to know you by these clues
alone.
A person's lifestyle and personality are largely described,
for example, by his or her purchases and expenses; from your
checking account records -- which banks are required by law
to keep and make available to government investigators -- a
substantial portrait of your life will emerge. Credit card
records may reveal much of the same information, and can
also be used to track your movements. (In a recent case,
"missing" Massachusetts State Representative Timothy O'Leary
was tracked by credit-card transactions as he fled across
the country, and his movements were reported on the nightly
news!)
Then there are your school records, which include IQ and
other test results, comments on your "socialization" by
teachers and others, and may reveal family finances in great
detail. Employment and tax records reveal your present
income, as well as personal comments by employers and co-
workers. Your properties are another public record of your
income and lifestyle, and possibly your social status as
well. Telephone billing records reveal your personal and
business associations in more detail. Insurance records
reveal personal and family health histories and treatments.
All of this information is commonly accessed by government
and private or corporate investigators. And this list is
far from exhaustive!
Now consider how easily the computer networks lend
themselves to even further erosions of personal privacy. The
actual contents of our mail and telephone traffic have up to
now been subjected to deliberate scrutiny only under
extraordinary conditions. This built-in safety is due
primarily to the difficulty and expense of conducting
surveillance in these media, which usually requires extended
human intervention. But in the medium of computer
communications, most surveillance can be conducted using
automated monitoring techniques. Tools currently available
make it possible and even cost-effective for government and
other interests to monitor virtually everything which
happens here.
Why would anyone want to monitor network users? It is well
documented that, throughout the 1960s and 1970s, the FBI and
other agencies of government, in operations such as the
infamous COINTELPRO among others, spent a great deal of time
and effort collecting vast lists of names. As Computer
Underground Digest moderators Jim Thomas and Gordon Meyer
recalled in a recent commentary (CuD #3.42):
"A 1977 class action suit against the Michigan State
Police learned, through FOIA requests, that state and
federal agents would peruse letters to the editor of
newspapers and collect clippings of those whose politics
they did not like. These news clippings became the basis
of files on those persons that found there way into the
hands of other agencies and employers."
To get onto one of these government "enemies" lists, you
often needed to do nothing more than telephone an
organization under surveillance, or subscribe to the "wrong"
types of magazines and newspapers. Groups engaged in
political activism, including environmental and women's
rights organizations, were commonly infiltrated. The sort
of investigative reporting which uncovered these lists and
surveillances back in the '60s and '70s is now rare, but
there is little reason to assume that such activities have
ceased or even slowed. In fact, progressive computerization
of local police LEIU activities (Law Enforcement
Intelligence Units, commonly known as "red squads") suggests
that such activities may have greatly increased.
Within the realm of computer conferencing especially, there
is ample reason to believe that systematic monitoring is
being conducted by government and law-enforcement
organizations, and perhaps by other hostile interests as
well. In a recent issue of Telecom Digest
(comp.dcom.telecom), Craig Neidorf (knight@EFF.ORG) reported
on the results of a recent Freedom of Information Act
request for documents from the Secret Service:
" ... The documents also show that the Secret Service
established a computer database to keep track of
suspected computer hackers. This database contains
records of names, aliases, addresses, phone numbers,
known associates, a list of activities, and various
[conference postings] associated with each individual."
But the privacy issues which surround computer
communications go far beyond the collection of user lists.
Both government and industry have long pursued the elusive
grail of personality profiling on citizens and consumers. Up
to now, such ambitions have been restrained by the practical
difficulty and expense of collecting and analyzing large
amounts of information on large numbers of citizens. But
computer communications, more than any other technology,
seems to hold out the promise that this unholy grail may
finally be in sight.
To coin a phrase, never has so much been known by so few
about so many. The information commonly available to
government and industry investi-gators today is sufficient
to make reliable predictions about our personalities,
health, politics, future behavior, our vulnerabilities,
perhaps even about our innermost thoughts and feelings. The
privacy we all take for granted is, in fact, largely an
illusion; it no longer exists in most walks of life. If we
wish to preserve even the most basic minimum of personal
privacy, it seems clear that we need to take far better care
on the networks than we have taken elsewhere.
* * * * *
FREEDOM
-------
Human beings are the only species with a history.
Whether they also have a future is not so obvious.
The answer will lie in the prospects for popular
movements, with firm roots among all sectors of the
population, dedicated to values that are suppressed
or driven to the margins within the existing social
and political order...
[Noam Chomsky]
In your day-to-day social interactions, as you deal with
employers, clients, public officials, friends, acquaintances
and total strangers, how often do you feel you can really
speak freely? How comfortable are you discussing
controversial issues such as religion, taxes, politics,
racism, sexuality, abortion or AIDS, for example? Would you
consider it appropriate or wise to express an honest opinion
on such an issue to your boss, or a client? To your
neighbors?
Most of us confine such candid discussions to certain
"trusted" social contexts, such as when we are among our
closest friends. But when you post to a network conference,
your boss, your clients, and your neighbors may very well
read what you post -- if they are not on the nets today,
they probably will be soon, as will nearly everyone.
If we have to consider each post's possible impact on our
social and professional reputations, on our job security and
income, on our family's acceptance and safety in the
community, it could be reckless indeed to express ourselves
freely on the nets. Yet conferences are often geared to
controversy, and inhibitions on the free expression of
opinions can reduce traffic to a trickle, killing off an
important conference topic or distorting a valuable sampling
of public opinion.
More important still is the role computer networks are
beginning to play in the free and open dissemination of news
and information. Democracy is crippled if dissent and
diversity in the media are compromised; yet even here in the
U.S., where a "free press" is a cherished tradition, the
bulk of all the media is owned by a small (and ever-
shrinking) number of corporations, whose relatively narrow
culture, interests and perspec-tives largely shape the
public perception.
Computer communication, on the other hand, is by its nature
very difficult to control or shape. Its resources are
scattered; when one BBS goes bust (or is busted!), three
others spring up in its place. The natural resiliency of
computer communications (and other new, decentral-ized
information technologies such as fax, consumer camcorders
and cheap satellite links) is giving rise to a new brand of
global "guerrilla journalism" which includes everyone, and
defies efforts at suppression.
The power and value of this new journalistic freedom has
recently shown itself during the Gulf War, and throughout
Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union, as well as within the
U.S. Just think of the depth and detail of information
available on the nets regarding the Secret Service's recent
"Operation Sundevil" and associated activities, compared to
the grossly distorted, blatantly propagandistic coverage of
those same activities given to the general public through
the traditional media.
Historically, established power and wealth have seldom been
disposed to tolerate uncontrolled media, and recent events
in this country and elsewhere show that computer media are
sometimes seen as threats to established interests as well.
To understand the role of handles in this context, it is
useful to note the flurries of anti-handle sentiment which
have arisen in the wake of crackdowns such as Sundevil, or
the Tom Tcimpidis raid in the early 1980s. Although few
charges and fewer convictions have typically resulted from
such operations, one might be tempted to speculate that the
real purposes -- to terrorize the nets and chill freedoms of
speech and assembly thereon -- have been achieved.
In this way, sysops and moderators become unwitting
accomplices in the supression of freedom on the networks.
When real name requirements are instituted, anyone who fears
retaliation of any sort, by any group, will have to fear
participation in the nets; hence content is effectively
controlled. This consideration becomes especially important
as the nets expand into even more violent and repressive
countries outside the U.S.
We must decide whether freedom of information and open
public discussion are in fact among the goals of network
conferencing, and if so, whether handles have a role in
achieving these goals. As access to the networks grows, we
have a rare opportunity to frustrate the efforts of
governments and corporations to control the public mind! In
this way above all others, computers may have the potential
to shape the future of all mankind for the better.
* * * * *
A CALL TO ACTION
----------------
The move to electronic communication may be a turning
point that history will remember. Just as in
seventeenth and eighteenth century Great Britain and
America a few tracts and acts set precedents for
print by which we live today, so what we think and do
today may frame the information system for a
substantial period in the future.
[Ithiel de Sola Pool, "Technologies of Freedom", 1983]
There was a time when anybody with some gear and a few
batteries could become a radio broadcaster -- no license
required. There was a time when anyone with a sense of
adventure could buy a plane, and maybe get a contract to
carry mail. Those early technological pioneers were
probably unable to imagine the world as it is today, but
their influence is strongly felt in current laws,
regulations and policies with roots in the traditions and
philosophies they founded and shaped.
Today the new pioneers are knitting the world together with
computers, and the world is changing faster than ever. Law
and ethics are scrambling to keep up. How far will this
growth take us? No one can say for sure. But you don't
need a crystal ball to see that computer communications has
the potential to encompass and surpass all the functionality
of prior media -- print, post, telegraph, telephone, radio
and television -- and more. It seems reasonable to assume
that computer communications will be at least as ubiquitous
and important in the lives of our grandchildren as all the
older media have been in ours.
It will be a world whose outlines we can now make out only
dimly. But the foundations of that world are being built
today by those of us exploring and homesteading on the
electronic frontier. We need to look hard at what it will
take to survive in the information age.
In this article we have attempted to show, for one very
narrow issue, what some of the stakes may be in this future-
building game. But the risks associated with exposing your
name in a computer conference are not well defined, and
various people will no doubt assess the importance of these
risks differently. After all, most of us take risks every
day which are probably greater than the risks associated
with conferencing. We drive on the expressway. We eat
sushi. To some people, the risks of conferencing may seem
terrifying; to others, insignificant.
But let us not get side-tracked into unresolvable arguments
on the matter. The real issue here is not how dangerous
conferencing may or may not be; it is whether you and I will
be able to make our own decisions, and protect ourselves (or
not) as we see fit. The obvious answer is that users must
exercise their collective power to advance their own
interests, and to pressure sysops and moderators to become
more sensitive to user concerns.
To help in that effort, we would like to recommend the
following guidelines for user action:
-- Bear in mind John Perry Barlow's observation that
"Liberties are preserved by using them". Let your
sysop know that you would prefer to be using a
handle, and use one wherever you can.
-- Try to support boards and conferences which allow
handles, and avoid those which don't.
-- When using a handle, BEHAVE RESPONSIBLY! There will
always be irresponsible users on the nets, and they
will always use handles. It is important for the
rest of us to fight common anti-handle prejudices by
showing that handles are NOT always the mark of an
irresponsible user!
-- Educate others about the importance of handles (but
NEVER argue or flame anyone about it).
To sysops and moderators: We ask you to bear in mind that
authority is often used best where it is used least. Grant
users the right to engage in any harmless and responsible
behaviors they choose. Protect your interests in ways which
tread as lightly as possible upon the interests of others.
The liberties you preserve may be your own!
In building the computer forums of today, we are building
the social fabric of tomorrow. If we wish to preserve the
free and open atmosphere which has made computer networking
a powerful force, while at the same time taking care against
the risks inherent in such a force, handles seem to be a
remarkably harmless, entertaining and effective tool to help
us. Let's not throw that tool away.
----------------------------------------------------------------------
[end of excerpt]
--
David Collier-Brown, | davecb@Nexus.YorkU.CA | lethe!dave
72 Abitibi Ave., |
Willowdale, Ontario, | He's so smart he's dumb.
CANADA. 416-223-8968 | -- Joyce Collier-Brown
From caf-talk Caf Jun 10 00:17:10 1992

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Antistatism: An Eye For An Eye . . .
Clarification:
All "words inside quotation marks" mean that those words were used "for
lack of a better word."
Summary Of Political Ideology (Autonomy):
Decision Making:
- No government exists to make decisions for the Antistate (as a single
entity) or the people within it.
- Territorial, professional, and trade resolutions are made through free
agreements between individuals or groups of individuals out of
necessity.
- Every individual or group of individuals in the Antistate can make
free contracts (agreements) with any other individual or group of
individuals anywhere. This is not an "ensured right," but a
necessary means of survival.
- The "free agreements" or "contracts" are open-ended arrangements (not
written binding deals). They provide services or produce
(material items) in return for services or produce between
individuals or groups of individuals.
- Example of a contract: Farmer Joe will give one third of his crop to
Doctor Bob if Doctor Bob takes care of all Farmer Joe's medical
concerns.
- The contracts can be created, altered, or ended at any time.
Political Rights:
- There are no restrictions (no law, government, police, prisons, etc.)
regulating what an individual can or cannot do in the Antistate.
The individual has complete and total freedom.
- This absolute liberty creates a balance that reacts with, and
counteracts every action in the Antistate.
- Example of balance of action: Farmer Joe breaks both his legs. Doctor
Bob takes half Farmer Joe's crop and refuses to set Farmer Joe's
broken legs. Farmer Joe either dies (unable to do anything) or
makes contracts with Butch Thug and Orthopedic Surgeon Mary for
protection and care.
- Anyone can believe anything and say anything they please in the
Antistate, but nobody has to listen.
- Anyone can leave or enter the Antistate.
- Political dissent is useless, an individual may try to implement a
"true" political system, but with few followers this is futile.
Minority Rights:
- Once an individual is within the Antistate they have the complete
freedom to do anything despite who the individual is.
- It is impossible to "be a citizen" of the Antistate, this requires the
recognition of an absent government.
Leaders & Government Involvement In Society:
- To clarify: The government is nonexistent, therefore it cannot have
any leaders and cannot involve itself with anything.
- If any social leaders (religious, etc.) arise (such as Ghandi) the
extent of their "power" is limited to the number of individuals
that choose to follow them.
Education And Professionals:
- As previously said, services are a commodity for barter, the more rare
the service, the more desired it becomes.
- Education is a valuable service; those people being taught are trading
other items and services to the person who is educating them.
- Services (medical, construction, just about anything, etc.) are given
in exchange for items or other services.
- The more educated one becomes in a trade (skill), the more they can
rely on their knowledge to provide goods and services for them.
- Education is a key tool in teaching people to survive independently.
Defence Of Political Ideology:
Major Advantages Of Antistatism (Autonomy):
Equality: Every person in the Antistate has equal opportunity. Since
individual rights are absolute and unconditional in the Antistate, anybody can
do anything. The same opportunities are available to everybody, and the
ultimate goal of society is constant, survival.
Autonomy: It may seem that in our "democracy" we have almost complete
freedom, this is not true. In Canada, there is a modest document (Bill of
Rights) that attempts to "guarantee" the Canadian public a certain set of
rights and freedoms. There is another document (the written law) that
contains thousands upon thousands of restrictions and regulations placed on
Canadian citizens. In short, there are more things we cannot do than things
that we can do. Not only are we restricted in what we can do, we can also
have our remaining rights involuntary removed (arrests and imprisonment,
minors have few rights, questionable mental faculties, etc.). Finally, we pay
(taxes) for the privilege of having our rights taken away. It's not a big
secret that police, lawyers, and politicians cost money. These problems are
avoided in the Antistate where the legal system, government, and law
enforcement are forsaken.
Individualism & Collectivism: In the world today there are few who could
survive completely independent of others. This is a basic principle of
Antistatism. Within the Antistate an individual is free to be just that, an
individual. The individual is bound by no laws other than necessity to merge
with others. If an individual is forced to join others for any reason, the
person loses their identity as an individual and becomes a group entity. The
loss of individual identity and merger into a group entity forces unnecessary
restrictions on the person, hindering progress. Necessity draws the individuals together (collects the individuals) and drives them to work for
the good of each other, themselves included. From these mutual junctions of
distinct individuals in an immense collection, progress is spawned. There is
no other society, but the Antistate, in which an individual can work
progressively with others and not lose their distinct identity.
Attacks On Antistatism:
Attack #1: "Wouldn't the stronger people take advantage of the weaker
people? How can this be justified?"
Defence #1: Yes, the stronger, faster, and smarter people would take
advantage of the weaker people. There is nothing wrong with this. Those
people most capable of survival will live and develop and have children with
the same characteristics of survival. The weak will be weeded out, sometimes
by the strong and sometimes by the environment, and the weak characteristics
that they possess will disappear from mankind. In this way, human beings will
progress naturally as organisms, and socially as more hardy beings capable of
independent survival. It is only within the last hundred years that human
beings have become the only organisms to deviate from this natural state of
things.
Attack #2: "What would stop another country from invading the Antistate
and claiming all the territory?"
Defence #2: As was stated before, very few people are capable of
independent survival. Therefore the individuals make contracts out of
necessity for various things such as nourishment, shelter, and protection.
One of the most common contracts that would arise among the people would be
those of defence. In return for some commodity or service, protection would
be given to the providing individual. Enough of these contracts would give
way to a huge, self-governing army protecting each other, benefiting
everybody.
Attack #3: "If the Antistate isn't really a state, how can it have
political borders?"
Defence #3: If the Antistate can keep other countries from claiming it's
territory, then the borders of the Antistate are defined as any territory
unclaimed by any country.
Summary Of Economic Ideology (Private Enterprise):
Position On Economic Spectrum:
- The economic system in the Antistate is similar to extreme capitalism.
- State enterprise, state involvement in the economy, and taxation is
impossible without a state and therefore absent in the Antistate.
- There is no currency; there is no state to produce it, and no need to
represent large amounts of items.
Production:
- Everyone produces (for themselves) what is needed for survival and any
"luxury items" desired.
- Anything needed or desired by an individual (which the individual
cannot produce) is taken from or traded for with goods or services
with other individuals.
- It is foolish to produce excess amounts (more than is needed for
comfortable survival) of goods unless they are to be used for
trade.
- "Disposable income" (meaning excess "luxury items") depends on how
hard the individual in question works to produce or trade for it.
Classless Society:
- Everyone has the same job, to get what is needed for survival (there
are many means of doing this).
- Without currency it is difficult to determine who is rich and who
isn't (a monetary value cannot be given).
- The "winners" (in an economic sense) are those who get what they need
to survive and get the "luxury items" they want.
- The "average" person gets what they need to survive plus a few "luxury
items."
- The "loser" dies, unable to get what is needed for survival.
- Education is essential to maintain a "profitable" lifestyle.
Social Problems (If the Antistate is installed somewhere in the modern world):
- Poverty would run rampant until all those who could not learn to
survive independently quickly enough are dead.
- Crime would become commonplace until it becomes unprofitable (why
murder the only doctor in town, etc.).
- An extreme drop would occur in the economy for a long period until the
above points are resolved.
Defence Of Economic Ideology:
Major Advantages Of Private Enterprise:
Liberty: Within a system of complete private enterprise, a person has
the greatest possible amount of freedom to produce anything they want to (or
nothing). Also, they can trade for (or take) any items they choose. An
individual has the independence to pursue any activity they prefer (no working
nine to five). You can take a vacation, give yourself a raise, or take that
BMW anytime!
No Taxes, No Welfare: Who can argue with such a fine idea? No taxes, no
welfare. No welfare means those who cannot or will not produce die. The
people who need welfare die, the problem is erased. Great idea!
No Excess: The greatest amount of items being produced are those that
people need. Producing these items requires time, effort and materials.
Therefore, nothing is being produced and not used. The system becomes
tailored to the needs of society, those who produce what everyone needs will
be successful.
Attacks On Private Enterprise:
Attack #1: "You claimed earlier that all people in the Antistate would
be equal. How can this be so when some people are bound to be better at
producing things that everybody needs?"
Defence #1: What was claimed earlier was that all people in the
Antistate have equal opportunities. Yes, some people will be "more
successful" than others by producing things that everyone needs. There is a
healthy balance created in private enterprise where the "winners" end up
producing necessary things and get what they need while the "losers" produce
plastic cows or fuzzy dice and end up with nothing. If everyone ends up
producing the same vital, but now abundant item, it is only logical that some
of them will get "business" while others won't. The others who aren't getting
any "business" either find new items to produce or become "losers."
Attack #2: "How can you possibly leave those people who cannot produce
without any assistance? It's inhumane to let them just die."
Defence #2: If you want to take care of them, you can do it, but to
force me to do it is equally inhumane. Those people who cannot survive should
die. They carry genetic traits (blindness for instance) that will pass on if
they reproduce. I am in no way advocating that we should go out and destroy
these people (nature does that just fine), I'm just saying to go out of our
way and do the surviving for them is unnatural. This is another self-
correcting problem that will take care of itself if left alone in a natural
state.
Attack #3: "How do I stop Butch Thug or Sid Crook from stealing my BMW?"
Defence #3: Either let your BMW get stolen, or get a big gun and defend
it. An eye for an eye. Why do we need cops when we can do the job better?
Rationale Behind Political/Economic Combination:
The ideology of Antistatism is the combination of three distinct
political ideologies and two economic ideologies: democracy, anacro-communism,
autonomy, private enterprise and capitalism. These ideologies express freedom
for the people. Their merger into one system provides freedom in a plausible
form.
Antistatism is the best possible 21st century ideology. Marx and Lenin
have both claimed that final stage in a perfectly evolved society is autonomy.
That is what the Antistate is, a perfectly evolved society. Within it is
found independent, autonomous individuals who are producing and progressing to
the benefit of everyone. The self-governing people are completely free to
persue their personal goals and ideals within the confines of their survival.
Without a government, there are no problems arising from powerful leaders,
apathetic politicians and of course, no taxes. Let the people control
themselves and the people will be content.
If government exists to serve the people, and it doesn't do this, then
it doesn't work. When something doesn't work, you either fix it, or rid
yourself of it for good.
Bibliography:
Alinsky, Saul D. 1972. Rules For Radicals. Vintage Books (Random House Inc.)
Cohen, Carl, ed. 1972. Communism, Fascism, And Democracy: The Theoretical
Foundations. Random House Inc.
Dalton, George. 1974. Economic Systems & Society. Penguin Books Ltd.
Jacker, Corinne. 1968. The Black Flag Of Anarchy. Charles Scribner's Sons.
Laski, Harold J. 1955. "Anarchism." Encyclopedia Britannica. Ed. Walter Yust.
vol. 1. William Benton. pp. 873-878.
Lehning, Arthur. 1968. "Anarchism." Dictionary Of The History Of Ideas:
Studies Of Selected Pivotal Ideas. vol. 1. Charles Scribner's Sons.
pp. 70-76.
Lenin, Vladimir. 1916. Imperialism, The Highest Stage Of Capitalism. Progress
Publishers
Lenin, Vladimir. "State And Revolution." Essential Works Of Marxism. Ed.
Arthur P. Mendel. Bantam Books, Inc. pp. 103-198.
Stalin, Joseph. "The Foundations Of Leninism." Essential Works Of Marxism. Ed.
Arthur P. Mendel. Bantam Books, Inc. pp. 209-296.
Ward, Colin. 1973. Anarchy In Action. Harper & Row, Publishers.
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BILL TRACKING REPORT
102nd Congress
1st Session
U. S. Senate
S 893
1991 S. 893
AMENDMENT, TITLE 18, UNITED STATES CODE
DATE-INTRO: April 23, 1991
LAST-ACTION-DATE: October 5, 1992
FINAL STATUS: Pending
SPONSOR: Senator Orrin G. Hatch R-UT
TOTAL-COSPONSORS: 2 Cosponsors: 1 Democrats / 1 Republicans
SYNOPSIS: A bill to amend title 18, United States Code, to impose criminal
sanctions for violation of software copyright.
ACTIONS: Committee Referrals:
04/23/91 Senate Judiciary Committee
06/09/92 House Judiciary Committee
Legislative Chronology:
1st Session Activity:
04/23/91 137 Cong Rec S 4837 Referred to the Senate Judiciary Committee
04/23/91 137 Cong Rec S 4862 Remarks by Sen. Hatch
07/25/91 137 Cong Rec D 972 Senate Subcommittee on Patents, Copyrights
and Trademarks approved for full Committee
consideration
08/01/91 137 Cong Rec D 1036 Senate Judiciary Committee ordered favorably
reported
09/23/91 137 Cong Rec S 13465 Cosponsors added
2nd Session Activity:
04/07/92 138 Cong Rec S 4931 Reported in the Senate (S. Rept. No.
102-268)
06/04/92 138 Cong Rec S 7580 Passed in the Senate, after agreeing to
an amendment proposed thereto, by voice
vote
06/04/92 138 Cong Rec S 7580 Senate adopted Specter (for Hatch)
Amendment No. 1868, to make a technical
correction, by voice vote
06/04/92 138 Cong Rec S 7613 Hatch Amendment No. 1868, submitted
06/09/92 138 Cong Rec H 4338 Senate requested the concurrence of the
House
06/09/92 138 Cong Rec H 4445 Referred to the House Judiciary Committee
08/12/92 138 Cong Rec D 1066 House Subcommittee on Intellectual Property
and Judicial Administration held a hearing
09/10/92 138 Cong Rec D 1094 House Subcommittee on Intellectual Property
and Judicial Administration approved for
full Committee action amended
09/30/92 138 Cong Rec D 1246 House Judiciary Committee ordered reported,
amended
10/03/92 138 Cong Rec H 11129 House voted to suspend the rules and pass,
amended, by voice vote
10/03/92 138 Cong Rec H 11129 House agreed to amend the title, by voice
vote
10/03/92 138 Cong Rec H 11196 Reported in the House, amended (H. Rept.
102-997)
10/05/92 138 Cong Rec S 16975 House requested the concurrence of the
Senate
BILL-DIGEST: (from the CONGRESSIONAL RESEARCH SERVICE)
0604/92 (Measure passed Senate, amended ) Amends the Federal criminal code
to impose criminal sanctions for copyright violations involving the
reproduction or distribution, during any 180-day period, of specified
numbers of copies infringing the copyright in one or more computer programs.
CRS Index Terms:
Crime and criminals; Computer software; Copyright infringement; Fines
(Penalties)
CO-SPONSORS:
Original Cosponsors:
DeConcini D-AZ
Added 09/23/91:
Gorton R-WA
FULL TEXT OF BILLS
102ND CONGRESS; 2ND SESSION
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
AS REPORTED IN THE HOUSE
S. 893
1991 S. 893;
SYNOPSIS:
AN ACT
To amend title 18, United States Code, to impose criminal sanctions for
violation of software copyright.
DATE OF INTRODUCTION: FEBRUARY 28, 1991
DATE OF VERSION: OCTOBER 5, 1992 -- VERSION: 5
SPONSOR(S):
Sponsor not included in this printed version.
TEXT:
102D CONGRESS
2D SESSION
S. 893
Report No. 102-997
To amend title 18, United States Code, to impose criminal sanctions for
violation of software copyright.
-------------------------------------
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
JUNE 9, 1992
Referred to the Committee on the Judiciary
OCTOBER 3, 1992
Reported with amendments, committed to the Committee of the Whole House
on the State of the Union, and ordered to be printed
Strike out all after the enacting clause and insert the part printed in
italic
-------------------------------------
AN ACT
To amend title 18, United States Code, to impose criminal sanctions for
violation of software copyright.
* Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United*
*States of America in Congress assembled, *
** That (a) section 2319(b)(1) of title 18, United States Code, is
amended-
(1) in paragraph (B) by striking "or" after the semicolon;
(2) redesignating paragraph (C) as paragraph (D);
(3) by adding after paragraph (B) the following:
"(C) involves the reproduction or distribution, during any
180-day period, of at least 50 copies infringing the copyright
in one or more computer programs (including any tape, disk, or
other medium embodying such programs); or";
(4) in new paragraph (D) by striking "or" after "recording,"; and
(5) in new paragraph (D) by adding ", or a computer program",
before the semicolon.
(b) Section 2319(b)(2) of title 18, United States Code, is amended-
(1) in paragraph (A) by striking "or" after the semicolon;
(2) in paragraph (B) by striking "and" at the end thereof and
inserting "or"; and
(3) by adding after paragraph (B) the following:
"(C) involves the reproduction or distribution, during any
180-day period, of more than 10 but less than 50 copies
infringing the copyright in one or more computer programs
(including any tape, disk, or other medium embodying such
programs); and".
(c) Section 2319(c) of title 18, United States Code, is amended-
(1) in paragraph (1) by striking "and" after the semicolon;
(2) in paragraph (2) by striking the period at the end thereof and
inserting "; and"; and
(3) by adding at the end thereof the following:
"(3) the term 'computer program' has the same meaning as set forth
in section 101 of title 17, United States Code.".
*SECTION 1. CRIMINAL PENALTIES FOR COPYRIGHT INFRINGEMENT. *
* Section 2319(b) of title 18, United States Code, is amended to read as*
*follows: *
* "(b) Any person who commits an offense under subsection (a) of this *
*section- *
* "(1) shall be imprisoned not more than 5 years, or fined in the *
* amount set forth in this title, or both, if the offense consists of *
* the reproduction or distribution, during any 180-day period, of at *
* least 10 copies or phonorecords, of 1 or more copyrighted works, *
* with a retail value of more than $2,500; *
* "(2) shall be imprisoned not more than 10 years, or fined in the *
* amount set forth in this title, or both, if the offense is a second *
* or subsequent offense under paragraph (1); and *
* "(3) shall be imprisoned not more than 1 year, or fined in the *
* amount set forth in this title, or both, in any other case.". *
*SEC. 2. CONFORMING AMENDMENTS. *
* Section 2319(c) of title 18, United States Code, is amended- *
* (1) in paragraph (1) by striking " 'sound recording', 'motion *
* picture', 'audiovisual work', 'phonorecord'," and inserting " *
* 'phonorecord' "; and *
* (2) in paragraph (2) by striking "118" and inserting "120". *
Amend the title so as to read: "An Act to amend title 18, United States
Code, with respect to the criminal penalties for copyright
infringement.".
Passed the Senate June 4 (legislative day, March 26), 1992.
Attest:
WALTER J. STEWART,
* Secretary.*


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1645
ANOTHER ON THE SAME
by John Milton
ANOTHER_ON_THE_SAME
Another on the Same
-
Here lieth one who did most truly prove,
That he could never die while he could move,
So hung his destiny never to rot
While he might still jogg on, and keep his trot,
Made of sphear-metal, never to decay
Untill his revolution was at stay.
Time numbers motion, yet (without a crime
'Gainst old truth) motion number'd out his time:
And like an Engin mov'd with wheel and waight,
His principles being ceast, he ended strait.
Rest that gives all men life, gave him his death,
And too much breathing put him out of breath;
Nor were it contradiction to affirm
Too long vacation hastned on his term.
Meerly to drive the time away he sickn'd,
Fainted, and died, nor would with Ale be quickn'd;
Nay, quoth he, on his swooning bed out-stretch'd,
If I may not carry, sure Ile ne're be fetch'd,
But vow though the cross Doctors all stood hearers,
For one Carrier put down to make six bearers.
Ease was his chief disease, and to judge right,
He di'd for heavines that his Cart went light,
His leasure told him that his time was com,
And lack of load, made his life burdensom,
That even to his last breath (ther be that say't)
As he were prest to death, he cry'd more waight;
But had his doings lasted as they were,
He had bin an immortall Carrier.
Obedient to the Moon he spent his date
In cours reciprocal, and had his fate
Linkt to the mutual flowing of the Seas,
Yet (strange to think) his wain was his increase:
His Letters are deliver'd all and gon,
Onely remains this superscription.
-
-THE END-

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THE AMERICAN PRIVACY FOUNDATION
Charter: WHEREAS millions of American citizens are presently having
their privacy violated through electronic, chemical, and
physical techniques, and,
WHEREAS many groups with authority, such as business and
government, are increasingly utilizing these techniques
in the continuing invasion of privacy, and,
WHEREAS these groups are increasingly coercing citizens to
be subjected to these invasions, be denying employment,
loans, benefits, or other required monetary incomes to
those individuals who refuse to be monitored, tested, or
investigated, and,
WHEREAS technological innovations are continuously making
such violations more prevalent, less expensive, and easier
to perform,
WITNESS THAT The American Privacy Foundation is hereby
formed to counter the trends of increasing privacy
violations in the United States of America.
The American Privacy Foundation is opposed to:
1) Collection, by any organization, of information showing
what a citizen purchases on a day-to-day basis.
2) Genetic testing for purposes of determining if a citizen
possesses 'defective' or undesirable genes, and the
subsequent distribution of this information to various
organizations.
3) Drug testing or monitoring by any of the following
techniques; urine, blood, or hair follicle analysis;
skin patches; or electronic devices meant to monitor
legal or illegal substance useage of an individual.
4) Sharing of information between the business community and
government.
5) Compilation of 'medical profiles' by data collection from
various sources, for submission to business or insurance
companies.
6) Any electronic device which is used for tracking the
location of a given individual on a continuous basis.
7) Imbedded electronic devices intended to monitor and enforce
legislation.
8) Any attempt by the government to ban or eliminate cash
currency, or to impose further controls or monitoring of
currency.
1) DAY-TO-DAY TRANSACTION COLLECTION:
a) Concern: A large amount amount of information about
the lifestyle, eating habits, and medical conditions
can be inferred from these records.
b) Example: Several businesses, most notably high-
technology grocery stores, have begun collecting
day-to-day transaction information on individuals.
This is accomplished by enticing a customer into using
a 'Shopping Club'-type card, which indicates the
identity of the purchaser as well as demographic
information. The purchases are recorded against the
customers' name, and a log of purchases can be
compiled.
c) Exceptions: The A.P.F. recognizes the necessity of
business to keep records about credit and payment
history, in order to determine eligibility for the
privilidge of credit.
2) GENETIC TESTING:
a) Concern: In a few short years, many human genes will be
identified. If a person is discriminated against due to
genetic abberations, this person is 'prosecuted before
the fact'.
b) Example: If you are found to have a gene predisposing you
to alcoholism, you could be denied a job, loan, or
insurance, even if you have never touched a drink in your
entire life.
c) Exceptions: A person might request genetic testing for his
own knowledge or for overwhelming medical necessity. If the
test is requested and desired by the person, and if the
information is specifically prohibited from being shared
with any other group, the APF has no objection to this
practice.
3) DRUG TESTING:
a) This patently offensive practice presupposes guilt,
and violates the 5th Amendment to the Constitution by
requiring a person to undertake an action that may be
self-incriminating. A person should be judged on their
performance at work, only. If the person performs well,
then they should be rewarded. If they perform poorly,
they should be removed. What intoxicants are ingested
by a person in their own time is in no way the business
of any company or any government entity.
b) Example: A patch has been developed that would be worn
for up to one month, that is capable of detecting every
drink, every cigarette, every substance ingested during
that period.
c) Exceptions: The APF does not object to standard drug
tests for individuals in certain jobs that put other
individuals at serious physical risk (e.g., jobs in
the transportation industry or in nuclear power plants).
Additionally, if a test is someday developed that tests
present levels of intoxication, much like a Breathalyser
does now, the APF has no objection to use of this test in
any and all employment situations. (An employer, when he
pays for your hours, has the right to expect you to be
sober during those paid hours.)
4) BUSINESS AND GOVERNMENT SHARING OF DATA:
The government has an strong need to possess certain
information on individuals (for administration of income
taxes and social security benfits, as an example).
Because of this, they possess powerful informational
tool. If this information is leaked to companies or
individuals, a serious breach of privacy occurs.
Additionally, your geographic location and lifestyle
can be inferred by the records collected by business.
If this information is shared with the government, the
stage is set for serious abuses, all the way up to
Bosnian-style 'Ethnic Cleansing'.
5) COMPILATION OF MEDICAL PROFILES:
A group known as the Medical Information Bureau, from
Boston, Massachusettes, is rapidly becoming the 'TRW'
of the medical community. They draw information from
every source possible, including some that have been
legally challenged as unethical.
There is a legitimate need for credit-reporting companies,
since they provide information allowing a lender to make
intelligent decisions on the granting of something that
is clearly a privilege (the granting of credit).
There is not nearly as much reasonable rational as
credit histories, since this is not an area in which
special privileges are granted. All people have the right
to work SOMEwhere. All people have the right to be granted
medical care. With MIB records, these rights may soon
be denied.
6) LOCATION MONITORING:
There is absolutely no reason why an employer or a
government agency has the right to keep tabs on a
persons' location on a continuous basis (excepting
those individuals on probation or parole).
There is a few businesses who have started using POSILOCK,
a system in which an employee wears a badge that enables the
employer to determine and track physical location of
an employee in its' building throughout the day.
7) ELECTRONIC LAW ENFORCEMENT:
In a few short years, electronic microchips may be imbedded
in a variety of common objects. In fact, recent developments
will allow toll-road users to speed through toll-booths
while an electronic device monitors their travel, and
the tollsystem would automatically deduct amounts from
a 'toll account' paid for by the traveller. In short
order, software could be programmed to note your entry
point, your exit point, and your average speed. If your
average speed exceeded the speed limit, you could ALSO
automatically receive a speeding ticket for your
'transgression'. This concept can be carried to an
extreme - with every object monitoring your every move,
and issuing citations for any transgressions.
8) THE CASHLESS SOCIETY:
The government would truely love to make cash disappear
entirely. If all transactions were electronic, many
wonderous things would occur: Taxes could be collected on
EVERY transaction you make, automatically deducted.
And EVERY monetary transaction could be monitored, and
the government would then know every little thing there
is to know about us. This is perhaps the most insiduous and
most dangerous of the potential dangers, but it is also the
least likely to occur any time soon.

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A HISTORY OF THE ARAB PEOPLES OF THE MIDEAST
ARABS
The term Arabs refers to the people who speak Arabic as their
native language. A Semitic people like the Jews (see SEMITES),
Arabs form the bulk of the population of Algeria, Bahrain,
Egypt, Iraq, Jordan, Kuwait, Lebanon, Libya, Morocco, Oman,
Qatar, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Syria, Tunisia, the United Arab
Emirates, Yemen (Aden), and Yemen (Sana). In addition, there
are about 1.7 million Palestinian Arabs living under Israeli
rule in the WEST BANK and GAZA STRIP, territories occupied by
Israel during the 1967 Arab-Israeli War (see ARAB-ISRAELI
WARS), and more than 700,000 Arab citizens of Israel.
Estimates of the total Arab population of the countries above
range from 175 to 200 million. The great majority of Arabs are
Muslims, but there are significant numbers of Christian Arabs
in Egypt (see COPTIC CHURCH), Lebanon, and Syria and among
Palestinians. In geographical terms the Arab world includes
North Africa and most of the Middle East (excluding Turkey,
Israel, and Iran), a region that has been a center of
civilization and crossroads of trade since prehistoric times.
ARAB HISTORY
References to Arabs as nomads and camel herders of northern
ARABIA appear in Assyrian inscriptions of the 9th century BC.
The name was subsequently applied to all inhabitants of the
Arabian peninsula. From time to time Arab kingdoms arose
across on the fringes of the desert, including the Nabataeans
at PETRA in southern Jordan in the 2d century BC and PALMYRA in
central Syria in the 3d century AD, but no great Arab empire
emerged until ISLAM appeared in the 7th century AD and provided a
basis for Arab tribal unity.
Although a majority of Muslims today are not Arabs, the
religion was born in the Arabian peninsula and Arabic is its
mother tongue. MECCA, a place of religious pilgrimage for
tribes of western Arabia and a trading center on the route
between southern Arabia and the urban civilizations of the
eastern Mediterranean and Iraq, was the birthplace of the
prophet of Islam, MUHAMMAD Ibn Abdullah (c.570-632 AD); the
Muslim calendar begins with his flight to MEDINA in 622 because
it marked the founding of a separate Muslim community. By the
time of Muhammad's death, Mecca and nearly all the tribes of
the peninsula had accepted Islam. A century later the lands of
Islam, under Arab leadership, stretched from Spain in the west
across North Africa and most of the modern Middle East into
Central Asia and northern India.
There were tow great Islamic dynasties of Arab origin, the
UMAYYADS (661-750), centered in Damascus, and the ABBASIDS
(750-1258), whose capital was Baghdad. Most Umayyad rulers
insisted on Arab primacy over non-Arab converts to Islam, while
the Abbasid caliphs (see CALIPHATE) accepted the principle of
Arab and non-Arab equality as Muslims. At its height in the
8th and 9th centuries, the Abbasid caliphate was
extraordinarily wealthy, dominating trade routes between Asia
and Europe. Islamic civilization flourished during the Abbasid
period (see ARABIC LITERATURE; ISLAMIC ART AND ARCHITECTURE)
even though the political unity of the caliphate often
shattered into rival dynasties. Greek philosophy was
translated into Arabic and contributed to the expansion of
Arab-Persian Islamic scholarship. Islamic treatises on
medicine, philosophy, and science, including Arabic translation
of Plato and Aristotle, greatly influenced Christian thinkers
in Europe in the 12th century by way of Muslim Spain. The
power of the Arab Abbasid family declined from the 10th century
onward due to internal political and religious rivalries and
victories by Christian European Crusaders (see CRUSADES;
MIDDLE EAST, HISTORY OF THE) seeking to recapture territory
lost to Islam. The Mongol invasion of the 13th century
(see MONGOLS) led to the destruction of the Abbasid caliphate in
1258 and opened the way for the eventual rise of a great
Turkish Muslim empire known as the OTTOMAN EMPIRE. The
Ottomans took Constantinople (Istanbul) from the Byzantines in
1453 and had taken control of the Arab Middle East and most of
North Africa by the end of the 16th century. Arabs remained
subjects of the Ottoman Turks for over 300 years.
The Arab world of today is the product of Ottoman decline,
European colonialism, and Arab demands for freedom from
European occupation. At the beginning of World War I all of
North Africa was under French (Algeria, Tunisia, Morocco),
Italian (Libya), or British (Egypt) domination. After World
War I the League of Nations divided the Arab lands that had
remained Ottoman during the war between Britain and France with
the understanding that each power would encourage the
development of the peoples of the region toward self-rule.
Iraq and PALESTINE (including what is now Jordan) went to
Britain, and Syria and Lebanon to France. Britain had
suggested to Arab leaders during the war that Palestine would
be included in areas to be given Arab self-determination, but
British officials then promised the region to the Zionist
movement, which called for a Jewish state there (see ZIONISM).
The Arab lands gained their independence in stages after World
War II, sometimes, as in Algeria, after long and bitter
struggles. Much of Palestine became the state of Israel in May
1948, setting the stage for the Arab-Israeli conflict, in which
five wars have occurred (1948-49, 1956, 1967, 1973, and 1982),
and contributing to the rise of the PALESTINE LIBERATION
ORGANIZATION (PLO), which gained prominence after the
humiliating Arab losses in the 1967 war.
PEOPLE AND ECONOMY
Arabs have traditionally been considered nomads, epitomized by
the BEDOUIN of Arabia. Stereotypical portrayals of Arabs today
use the image of the nomad or tribal sheik, usually with
prejudicial intent. In fact, it is difficult to generalize
about Arabs in terms of appearance or way of life. Bedouins
are less than 10 percent of the total Arab population. Most
Arab societies are heavily urbanized, particularly the oil-rich
states of the Arabian Peninsula. This reversal of the
stereotype of the desert Arab owes much to the fact that there
is little if any agriculture in such societies. Major peasant
populations are found in countries such as Egypt (see
FELLAHIN), Syria, Algeria, and Iraq, where there is water for
irrigation, but even there generalizations are difficult. All
these nations have heavy urban concentrations; Cairo, for
example, has a population of 14 million and is still expanding.
As a whole, then, Arab society today is more heavily urban than
rural, as a result of major political, economic, and social
changes that have occurred in the last century. In addition,
there are important variations in political and religious
outlooks among Arabs.
In the midst of such diversity the two basic elements uniting
most Arabs are the Arabic language and Islam. Though spoken
Arabic differs from country to country, the written language
forms a cultural basis for all Arabs. Islam does the same for
many, with Arabic being the language of the KORAN, the revealed
word of God delivered through the prophet Muhammad. Most Arabs
are Sunni Muslims (see SUNNITES). A minority are SHIITES. The
division of Islam into two main branches is the result of a
dispute over succession to the caliphate that goes back to the
7th century and has led to certain doctrinal differences
between the two branches. The major Shiite country is non-Arab
Iran, but there are large numbers of Shiites in Iraq (where
they form a majority) and in Lebanon (where Shiites are now the
biggest single religious group). Shiite tensions are due
partly to Iranian efforts to promote Shiite Islam in the
aftermath of the 1979 revolution that brought Ayatollah
Ruhollah KHOMEINI to power and partly to the fact that Shiites,
who form the economic underclass in many Arab nations, feel
that they have been discriminated against by the Sunnite
majority.
Although traditional tribal life has nearly disappeared, tribal
values and identity retain some importance, especially when
linked to Islam. Descent from the clan of the prophet Muhammad
or from one of the first Arab tribes to accept Islam still
carries great prestige. Many villages and towns contain
prominent families with common links to tribal ancestors.
Blood ties contribute to the formation of political factions.
These types of relationships are less prevalent in cities;
even there, however, leading families may seek to intermarry
their children to preserve traditional bonds, and many urban
families retain patronage ties to their villages.
Nevertheless, the importance of kinship has been weakened by
the rapid expansion of urban society, by modern educational
systems, and by the creation of centralized governments whose
bureaucracies are often the major source of employment for
university graduates. Many educated young people choose
spouses from among fellow classmates, a development that
reflects especially the expansion of educational and
professional opportunities for women. It is not uncommon for
young people to become engaged and then wait a year or two to
marry because they cannot find or afford suitable housing
immediately. In the past the bride would have become part of
the husband's family household, a custom still followed in many
villages.
This rapid pace of urbanization and social change has been
encouraged by economic constraints found in many Arab
societies. Except for oil, there are few natural resources to
be exploited for industrial development. Agricultural
productivity is generally high in Arab countries, but
productive land is scarce in some regions because of the lack
of water, and droughts and rising demand have increased the
possibility of conflicts over water resources shared by
neighboring countries. Fewer opportunities in agriculture,
coupled with social modernization, have caused young people to
flock to major cities seeking education and employment. This
has placed serious strains on governmental abilities to respond
to social needs.
This process has been exacerbated by another factor--the rapid
rate of population growth in many Arab countries. Most have a
rate of increase near 3% annually, as compared to rates of
growth in Western Europe of under 1%. These growth rates
reflect the impact of modern medicine and social services that
have lessened infant mortality. The tendency to smaller
families found in Western urban societies has not occurred
because of the prevalence of traditional attitudes favoring
large families, particularly among the poor and in areas where
tribal values prevail. The United Arab Emirates has a growth
rate approaching 9%, and even a rate of 2.7% for Egypt means
that a million Egyptians are born every 9 months in a country
where agricultural land comprises only 12% of the total land
area, forcing further urban congestion and the need to import
more food to maintain subsistence levels. This inability to
feed one's population from indigenous resources leads to
increased indebtedness and a diversion of funds needed for
development.
One final element in this equation is the large number of young
people in these expanding populations. For example, 6% of all
Tunisians are under 20 years of age, a not unrepresentative
statistic suggesting that future problems of unemployment and
food shortages will be greater than they are now. These
population indices suggest great potential for social unrest,
and the failure of many secular Arab regimes to fulfill their
promises of economic prosperity and national strength have
contributed to the increasing adherence to Islam by young
people in some Arab countries. Among the young, in particular,
Arab inability to regain the territories lost in the 1967 war
with Israel led to questioning of the secular ideologies that
had dominated regional politics during the post-World War II
era, while a growing gap between rich and poor and the spread
of education increased demands for greater participation in
largely undemocratic political systems.
MODERN POLITICS AND SOCIAL ISSUES
The men who led the Arab independence movements after World War I
were usually secularists. Although many of them, such as
Egypt's Gamal Abdul NASSER, were Pan-Arab nationalists who
advocated the creation of a single Arab nation, they believed
it essential that their countries adopt many aspects of Western
civilization, such as secular laws, parliamentary government,
and the like. These views challenged the primacy of Islam in
everyday life. Islamic law (see SHARIA) makes no distinction
between religious and temporal power. Muslims believe that all
law derives from the Koran, and that God's word must therefore
apply to all aspects of life. The gradual relegation of Islam
to the realm of personal status, a process that began during
the period of Western dominance, continued as Arab nations
gained independence under nationalist leaders who believed that
Islam lacked answers to the problems confronting modern society
and national development.
Many devout Arab Muslims disagreed. The Muslim Brotherhood,
for example, was formed in Egypt as early as 1929 to meet the
needs of Egyptians uprooted by modern economic and cultural
inroads into traditional Egyptian life. A central tenet of all
such Muslim groups is the belief that Western economic and
social values cannot restore past Arab greatness, and that
Muslim societies must be based on principles derived from their
own roots. Beyond this, such groups often differ on the type
of society they envisage and how to achieve it. Some
organizations advocate overthrow of existing regimes, others
the spread of their views by peaceful means. The call to Islam
has special appeal to those who are unemployed and have little
hope of a secure future, people who are the victims rather than
the beneficiaries of modernization. Many others who have
rejected membership in such groups have returned to the private
religious duties of Islam, such as praying five times daily,
fasting during the holy month of RAMADAN, and making a
pilgrimage to Mecca.
Muslim organizations see the West as the real threat to Islamic
stability. Most see Israel as an agent of the West in the
Middle East, depriving Palestinian Arabs of their rightful
homeland. Even secular Arabs who admire the West and fear
reintroduction of a Muslim theocracy nevertheless often feel
angered at what they perceive as Western and especially
American ignorance of and unconcern for Arab concerns. The
Palestinian uprising (intifada) launched in December 1988 has
created new awareness of the problem.
On the other hand, anti-Israel pronouncements have often served
to create a false impression of unity when real agreement was
lacking. The ARAB LEAGUE, formed in 1945, has been more a
forum for Arab infighting than a framework for cooperation.
Arabs genuinely feel common bonds based on language and a
shared historical and cultural legacy, but they also identify
themselves as Egyptians, Iraqis, and so on. Their ideological
differences reflect the wide range of governing systems in the
Arab world, from socialist regimes to oil-rich monarchies.
Complicating factors for the region have been the GULF WAR
(1980-88) between Iran and Iraq and increased tensions between
Iran and the Arab states of the Persian Gulf. These conflicts
focused attention on the major oil-producing region of the
world. As of 1987, more than 69% of the proved oil reserves of
the globe could be found in the Middle East, particularly in
Saudi Arabia, which contains nearly half of the world's
reserves. Oil has been exported from the Arab world since the
1930s, but only with the creation of the ORGANIZATION OF
PETROLEUM EXPORTING COUNTRIES (OPEC) in 1960 and the Libyan
revolution of 1969 did these countries begin to determine oil
prices themselves. Although only eight Arab nations are
substantial oil producers and OPEC has several non-Arab
members, the organization is usually associated with Arab oil;
the oil shortages of 1973-74 resulted from Saudi anger at U.
S. policy during the 1973 Arab-Israeli War. Overproduction
drove down prices in the 1980s, weakening OPEC's clout and the
ability of the oil-producing Arab states to provide aid and
jobs for the poorer Arab nations. Oil experts believe,
however, that the Arab world will remain the strategically
significant center of world oil production well into the 21st
century, a fact that has contributed to the involvement of
foreign powers in the region.
FUTURE PROSPECTS
The Arab world holds potential for both growth and conflict. A
solution to the Palestinian problem would defuse the likelihood
of another Arab-Israeli war and permit allocation of resources
to domestic sectors rather than to military outlays. Arab
states, however, need to settle their own differences as well.
Some efforts to promote more unified approaches to problems of
common interest have been made in recent years, including the
formation of the Gulf Cooperation Council (Saudi Arabia,
Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, and the United Arab Emirates) in 1981 and
the Arab Maghrib Union (Algeria, Libya, Mauritania, Morocco and
Tunisia) and the Arab Cooperation Council (Egypt, Iraq, Jordan,
and Yemen [Sana]) in 1989. The major inter-Arab rivalry is
that between Syria and Iraq, the principal internal problem
that of Lebanon, where communal strife has involved its
neighbors and destabilized the region. The impact of
population growth on economic development and the appeal of
Islamic revolutionary factions to the disaffected will remain
crucial to Arab prospects into the next century. CHARLES D.
SMITH
MEMBERS OF THE ARAB LEAGUE
---------------------------------------------------------------
COUNTRY AREA POPULATION PER CAPITA INFANT PERCENT
(km sq.) (1989 EST.) INCOME MORTALITY URBAN
(1986) (per 1,000
live births)
---------------------------------------------------------------
Algeria * 13,600 24,900,000 2,570 81 43
Bahrain 678 500,000 8,530 26 81
Djibouti 23,200 400,000 1,067 127 74
Egypt 1,001,449 54,800,000 760 93 45
Iraq * 458,317 18,100,000 2,400 69 68
Jordan 97,740 4,000,000 1,550 54 69
Kuwait* 17,818 2,100,000 13,890 16 94
Lebanon 16,000 3,300,000 1,000 50 80
Libya * 1,759,540 4,100,000 7,170 74 76
Mauritania 1,030,700 2,000,000 440 132 35
Morocco 446,550 25,600,000 590 90 43
Oman 212,457 1,400,000 4,990 100 9
Qatar * 11,000 400,000 12,520 31 88
Saudi 2,149,690 14,700,000 6,930 71 73
Arabia
Somalia 637,457 8,200,000 280 137 33
Sudan 2,505,813 24,500,000 320 113 20
Syria 185,180 12,100,000 1,560 48 50
Tunisia 163,610 7,900,000 1,140 77 53
United Arab 83,600 1,700,000 14,410 32 81
Emirates*
Yemen 332,968 2,500,000 480 132 20
(Aden)
Yemen 195,290 6,900,000 950 113 40
(Sana)
-----------------------------------------------------------------
* Member of OPEC


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Arafat's Speech in Johannesburg
May 10, 1994
The following is the complete text of PLO Chairman Yasser Arafat's
address to a Islamic gathering in a mosque in Johannesburg on May 10,
as broadcast by Israel Radio, Kol Yisrael:
Brothers, I have to thank you to give me this opportunity to come here
to pray together, and Insh'Allah, we will pray together very soon in
Jerusalem, the first shrine of Islam.
Excuse me for my poor language in English, but I try to do my best.
My brothers, after the signing of the agreement, and we have to
understand that after the gulf war, the real conspiracy is to demolish
completely the Palestinian issue from the agenda of the international
new order. This is where the main conspiracy and it was not easy,
because our people as you know had paid the price of this gulf war. As
you know our community in Kuwait which was the biggest and richest
community in Kuwait had been kicked out of Kuwait.
Not only that, after that we had been placed by this initiative
declared by President Bush for Madrid Conference. And it wasn't easy,
how we had accept to go to Madrid Conference. Why? Not to give them
the reason and an excuse to exclude the cause of Jerusalem, the cause
of Palestine. This has to be understood. And long after this agreement
which is the first step and not more than that, believe me. There are
a lot to be done.
The Jihad will continue and Jersualem is not for the Palestinian
People. It is for all the Muslim Uma, all the Muslim Uma. You are
responsible for Palestine and for Jerusalem before me.
(Verse from the Koran in Arabic) And we saved him (Abraham) and Lot,
and we brought him to the land which is blessed for ever.
This blessing, to Abraham, for the land which had been blessed for the
whole world. While after this agreement, you have to understand, our
main battle is not to get how much we can achieve from them here or
there. Our main battle is Jerusalem, Jerusalem, the first shrine of
the Muslims.
This has to be understood for everybody and for this I was insisting
before signing to have a letter from them, from the Israelis, that
Jerusalem is one of the items which has to be under discussion. And
no, the permanent state of Israel- no! It is the permanent state of
Palestine. Yes, it is the permanent state of Palestine.And in this
letter it is very important for everybody to know, I insist to mention
and they have written it and I have this letter. I didn't declare - I
didn't publish it till now. In this letter we are responsible for all
the Christian and Muslim and the Islamic holy sacred places, and I had
insisted to mention the Christian holy sacred place before the Islamic
holy sacred place because I had to be faithful to the agreement
between the Calipha Omar and the Patriarch Saphrona.
You remember this agreement between the Calipha Omar and the Patriarch
Saphrona. For this I was insisting to mention in this letter the
Christian holy places beside the Islamic holy places.
And here we are, I came and I have to speak frankly. I can't do it
alone, without the support of the Islamic Uma, I can't do it alone.
And what to say like the Jews, go and you will have to fight alone.
No! You have to come, and to fight and to start the Jihad to liberate
Jerusalem your first shrine.
And this is very important. And for this, in the agreement, I insist
with my colleagues, with my brothers to mention that not exceeding the
beginning of the third year and directly after signing the Cairo
agreement to start discussions for the future of Jerusalem. The future
of Jerusalem.
And you saw me on TV while I was hesitating...you remember the
picture? Becuase I was insisting to mention Jerusalem. And I said OK,
I don't want only from Rabin this promise. No! I want this promise
from the co-sponsors, Christopher and Kosyrev, and as a witness,
President Mubarak. And this has been done, which is very important for
everbody to know.
Now, here we are. And everybody has to understand that there is a
continuous conspiracy against Jerusalem. During the next two years,
which have been mentioned, not exceeding the beginning of the third
year, they will try to demolish and to change the demographics of
Jerusalem. It is very important, unless we have to be very cautious
and to put it in our priority as nothing worth to be priority than
Jerusalem. To put it in our first priority not only as Palestinians,
not only as Arabs, but as Muslims and as Christians too. I have
mentioned this to the Pope and to the Patriarch of Istanbul and the
Archbishop of Canterbury. To those I told them, if you want to make
your holy sepulchre, your holy, sacred Christian places. OK. Carry on
with the Israelis, with the Jews.
We are not against the Jews. We have to remember what has been
mentioned in our Koran, (quotation in Arabic from the Koran) And in
English, that among the nations of Musa there is a nation, or a part
of the nation, which they believe in just, and by just they control.
And for your information, there are two Jewish sects, in Palestine.
Samaritans in Nablus and Natorei Karta in Jersualem. They are refusing
to recognize the state of israel and they are considering themselves
as Palestinians. I'm saying this to give you proof that what they are
saying that it is their Capital - no! It is not their capital, it is
our capital, it is your capital. It is the first Shrine of the Islam
and the Muslims.
But we are in need of your support. Everywhere. This is a message for
the people, of Palestine from our populations in Jerusalem. Calling to
you, everybody here, not only here, everywhere, and I'm sure sooner or
later, we'll pray in Jerusalem.Together.
This agreement I am not considering it more than the agreement which
had been signed between our prophet Muhhamud and Quraysh. And you
remember, Caliph Omar had refused this agreement and considering the
agreement of the very low class. But Muhammud had accepted it and we
are accepting now this peace accord.
But to continue our way to Jerusalem, to the first shrine, together
and not alone. And we have to say clearly and honestly, that there is
a very, very, very difficult circumstances that face us. I'll give one
quote - one example. You remember after the massacre took place in the
Mosque in Hebron? You remember? Twenty two days the security council
was hesitating to accept the resolution to condemn this massacre. You
remember? Twenty two days. Do you know why? For one way I was
insisting to put in this resolution "throughout the occupied
Palestinian land and territories, including Jerusalem." They were
trying to bargain with me, to cancel Jerusalem. I refused. And I got
it in the end, and you remember.
Again, I have to thank you, I have to thank you from my heart, from my
heart, and I am telling you frankly from brother to brother, we are in
need of you, we are in need of you as Muslims, as Mujadin.
And on this occasion, I have to tell my old friend, my old brother,
Nelson Mandela, to thank him for give me this invitation to come, to
visit South Africa for the first time as a part of your struggle, I am
here. And I am telling again by your names and by the name of the
Islamic Uma that we will be beside him and we are sure that you will
continue to be beside us.
(Verses from the Koran in Arabic) We will enter the Mosque (El Aksa),
like we entered the first time.. God doesn't break his promise. .And
together, shoulder to shoulder, until victory, until victory, till
Jerusalem, to Jerusalem, to Jerusalem.
They will help us more than they ever did before.

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***** Reformatted. Please distribute.
CLINTON/GORE ON ARMS CONTROL
The end of the Cold War leaves two great tasks for
American arms control policy: to halt the spread
of nuclear, chemical, biological and missile
technologies to countries that do not have them;
and to turn the legacy of the Cold War into
effective strategy for the post-Cold War era.
The Clinton/Gore Plan
Stop nuclear proliferation
* Bolster the International Atomic Energy
Agency's capacity to inspect suspect
facilities through surprise inspections in
member countries.
* Lead a strong international effort to impose
sanctions against companies or countries that
spread dangerous weapons.
* Demand that other nations tighten their export
laws and strengthen enforcement of policies
regarding nuclear weapons.
* Never again subsidize the nuclear ambitions of
a Saddam Hussein.
* Ensure that agricultural and other non-
military loans to foreign governments are used
as intended.
* Strengthen safeguards to ensure that key
nuclear technology and equipment are kept out
of dictators' grasp.
* Ratify the START Treaty and the follow-on
agreement of June, 1992.
Pursue and strengthen international agreements
* Make non-proliferation the highest priority of
our intelligence agencies.
* Press more nations to sigh and abide by the
Missile Technology Control Regime.
* Conclude a chemical weapons convention banning
the production, stockpiling, or use of
chemical weapons.
* Lead the effort to achieve a Comprehensive
Test Ban Treaty through a phased approach.
Nuclear weapons plans for the 21st century
* Maintain a survivable nuclear deterrent,
consistent with our needs in the post-Cold War
era.
* Develop effective defenses to protect our
troops from short and medium range missiles.
* Support research on limited missile defense
systems to protect the U.S. against new long-
range missile threats.
* Conduct all such activities in strict
compliance with the Anti-Ballistic Missile
(ABM) Treaty.
The Record
* Al Gore has gained an international reputation
as an innovative and hard working expert on
arms control issues.
* Advocated sharp reductions in weapons and
shift from destabilizing land-based multiple-
warhead missiles to single warhead missiles -
now core objectives of the American
negotiating position.
* Wrote legislation to stop proliferation of
ballistic missiles capable of delivering
nuclear weapons, and is advocating new
legislation to block the spread of chemical,
biological and nuclear weapons to Iraq.
* Resisted weakening of the ABM treaty and
worked to keep SDI form violating from U.S.
obligations.
* Fought efforts to scrap SALT II limits and
preserved them as the foundations for START.
* Favored a ban on short-time of flight or
depresses trajectory missiles - a year before
US negotiators adopted the position.
* Advocated special treatment for nuclear armed
sea-launched cruise missiles because of their
unusual nature.
* Monitored Geneva arms control talks as one of
ten Senate observers.

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The Ultimate society - The Quest for a Lost America
by Howard C. Miller
America was once a golden promise of freedom for those who would
flee from places of slavery anddictatorship. Have we abused or
misued our freedom, or even given it a false image? Even today,
in the modern American society, prejudice, racism and hatred are
to be found everywhere. Is this truly a civilized land we live in,
when we review some of the true wrongs of our society? We
certainly have been given far more freedom and rights than any
other country has ever known, but from what I see, I wonder if we
deserve them. Perhaps we do, or perhaps not all of us do.
One major problem is the way the government totally misuses the
political system. Another major problem is the mass communications
area, which can and often does give a narrowminded and biased view
of the subject they are referring to. And possibly the most
serious of these problems is our education in the public schools
of America This is partly the fault of the government.
Since it looks probable that we cannot change the ways of the
people who are in command today as responsible adults, when
referring to those past thei fourth decade of life, we must teach
our children better and more. To do this, it is important to press
the government to make more funds available to the education system
and other necessary social programs.
But money alone won't help. The education system must be totally
revised to give the maximum amount of information on all sides, not
a diluted viewpoint of the subject at hand to be later expanded by
college education, if the person in question decides to have such
higher learning.
I feel we could learn a good deal from the Japanese social
structure today. Japan is a rich country, and its students are
motivated and encouraged to learn so well, that b the time they are
entering their early twenties, the're already working towards their
Ph.D! I think, in my opinon, Japan's government and social
structure outclasses the America one in many ways.
Too much of the southeastern states are still undereducated,
prejudiced and so forth. They are in serious need of help from the
north and southwest states to solve this problem.
But even in the north, racism and prejudice run rampant Prejudice
is ugly and must be fought against, no matter what form it takes,
because it is simply wrong, intended or not.
Let us make 1990 the Year of Equal Treatment and Rights For All.
Let us make it also the Year of Services for those who need it.
Because, when we get right down to the simple cold and logical fact
that we are all humans, regardless of our shape, size and color,
it will be a better world for us all. A rose is a rose, whether
it is red, white or yellow. A cat is a cat, whether it be a lion,
tiger, panther, cheetah or house pet. Whether a rose is missing
a petal or not, it is still a rose. Whether a cat is missing a leg
or not, it is still a cat.


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Abraham Lincoln And Abortion
In November 1781, Lucy Hanks was a young beautiful servant girl
employed by a wealthy plantation owner. Her employer was a
bachelor who was educated in England at Oxford. When he migrated
to America he brought with him his favorite books.
Like many young poor people during the 18th century, Lucy Hanks was
illiterate. One day, as she was doing her housekeeping, her employer
caught her looking at the pictures in one of his books. He could tell
she was fascinated, so he read the captions of each picture to her.
From that time on, after hours of work, he privately tutored her and
successfully taught her to read and write.
They became romantically involved and she became very pregnant.
During those days, when a girl got into trouble, she was treated like
a dog. The bachelor employer wouldn't marry her, so he gave her some
money and sent her away.
Abortion wasn't a choice in 1782, so Lucy Hanks gave birth to a
daughter whom she named Nancy Hanks. Nancy Hanks grew up and married
a drifter named Thomas Lincoln, and in 1809 Abraham Lincoln was
born.
By today's standards Nancy Hanks could have easily been swept away by
abortion, along with one of the greatest presidents of all time.
A million and a half babies are robbed every year of being an Abe
Lincoln, Sister Theresa or a Joe Montana, but more importantly they
are being robbed of just being.
From Visalia Times Delta 1/29/90 by Duane Phelps


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From: sean@dranet.dra.com (Sean Donelan)
Subject: Year 1990: computer users rights and the popular press
Date: Sun, 30 Dec 90 22:19:53 EST
The year 1990 in review. Here is a list of some of the articles that have
appeared in the "popular" press in the last year. There were some 800+
articles on computer crime, "hackers" (in the negative sense), and viruses.
For comparison there were about equal number of articles on those topics
in each of the preceeding four years. However in the preceeding four years
I couldn't find a single article in 1300+ periodicals that mentioned
protecting rights of people who use computers. Note the slight difference
from the rights of people in a computerized society (lots of articles on
privacy, computer (mis)matching, and various computer snafu's).
Perhaps the EFF should have hired a advertising firm before a lawyer? :-)
Actually for only six months it is a pretty impressive showing.
-------------
1 High-tech witch-hunting vs. First Amendment. (Electronic Frontier
Foundation protecting legal rights of computer users) (editorial), PC
Week, Oct 8, 1990 v7 n40 p87(1)
Article No. 09485051 *** Full-text article (2566 characters) ***
2 Can invaders be stopped but civil liberties upheld?; Industry executives
have joined to stimulate debate over computer users' rights. (computer
hackers, The Executive Computer), The New York Times, Sept 9, 1990 v139
pF12(N) pF12(L) 21 col in
Article No. 08822456
3 EFF: bringing Bill of Rights into the computer age. (Electronic Frontier
Foundation), Byte, Sept 1990 v15 n9 p28(2)
Article No. 08819820
4 Slow push to judgement. (computer hackers)(Viewpoint) (column),
Computerworld, August 27, 1990 v24 n35 p21(1)
Article No. 08791012
5 Group to address computer users' rights. (Computer Professionals for
Social Responsibility) (Business) (company profile), PC Week, August 13,
1990 v7 n32 p117(1)
Article No. 08748606 *** Full-text article (2745 characters) ***
6 Fighting back against Fed's BBS crackdown. (heavy-handed approach of
federal government toward operators of computer bulletin boards) (The
Wide View) (column), PC Week, July 23, 1990 v7 n29 p53(1)
Article No. 08670228 *** Full-text article (5156 characters) ***
7 Crackdown on hackers 'may violate civil rights.' (computer hackers), New
Scientist, July 21, 1990 v127 n1726 p22(1)
Article No. 09300107
8 Rights Advocate. (Mitchell Kapor; Newsmaker) (column),
CommunicationsWeek, July 16, 1990 n309 p2(1)
Article No. 08638928
9 Kapor group lines up for rights fight. (entrepreneur Mitch Kapor's
Electronic Frontier Foundation) (includes related article on three
hackers pleading guilty to documentation theft), Computerworld, July 16,
1990 v24 n29 p6(1)
Article No. 08639188
10 Group to defend civil rights of hackers founded by computer industry
pioneer. (Mitchell Kapor), The Wall Street Journal, July 11, 1990 pB4
pB4 16 col in
Article No. 08619396
11 High-tech crime fighting: the threat to civil liberties., The Futurist,
July-August 1990 v24 n4 p20(6)
Article No. 09177465 *** Full-text article (22737 characters) ***
12 Hacker raids stir up battle over constitutional rights., Computerworld,
June 25, 1990 v24 n26 p1(2)
Article No. 08583448
13 Drive to counter computer crime aims at invaders; legitimate users voice
worries over rights., The New York Times, June 3, 1990 v139 p1(N) p1(L)
36 col in
Article No. 08498074
True, I'm not working on the clock, and it is sunday night, so this isn't as
complete as professional research should be, but you get what you pay for...
--
Sean Donelan, Data Research Associates, Inc, St. Louis, MO 63132-1806
Domain: sean@dranet.dra.com, Voice: (Work) +1 314-432-1100

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Version 1.2
July 22, 1992
ARTICLES OF INCORPORATION OF EFF-AUSTIN
The undersigned natural persons of the age of eighteen (18) years
or more acting as incorporators of a corporation under the Texas
Non-Profit Corporation Act, hereby adopt the following Articles
of Incorporation for such corporation:
ARTICLE ONE
The name of the corporation is EFF-Austin.
ARTICLE TWO
The corporation is a non-profit corporation.
ARTICLE THREE
The period of its duration is perpetual.
ARTICLE FOUR
The purposes for which the corporation is organized are those
within the scope and meaning of the Texas Non-Profit Corporation
Act which are pursuant to the following goals:
(a) to engage in and support educational activities that
increase understanding of the opportunities and challenges posed
by computing and telecommunications, and related civil liberties
issues.
(b) to foster a clearer social understanding of the issues
underlying free and open telecommunications; and
(c) to facilitate and encourage communication between
individuals interested in computer and telecommunication
technology and related social and legal issues.
This corporation shall not, except to an insubstantial degree,
engage in any activities or exercise any powers that are not in
furtherance of the primary purposes of this corporation. This
corporation is organized pursuant to the Texas Non-Profit
Corporation Act and no part of the net earnings of the corporation
nor of its assets shall inure to the benefit of any individual
member, officer or individual except that the corporation shall be
authorized and empowered to pay reasonable compensation for
services rendered and to make payments and distributions in
furtherance of the purposes stated herein.
ARTICLE FIVE
The street address of the initial registered office of the
corporation is 2700-A Metcalfe, Austin TX, 78741 and the name of
its initial registered agent at such address is Steve Jackson.
ARTICLE SIX
The number of directors constituting the board of directors of the
corporation is nine, and the names and addresses of the persons who
are to serve as the initial directors are:
Smoot Carl-Mitchell XXXXXXX
Austin, TX 78741
Edward Cavazos XXXXXXXX
Austin, TX 78741
Matt Lawrence XXXXX
Austin, TX 78758
Steve Jackson XXXXXXX
Austin, TX 78744
John Quarterman XXXXXXXX
Austin, TX 78746
The qualifications, manner of selection, duties, terms and other
matters relating to the Board of Directors shall be provided in the
Bylaws of the Corporation.
ARTICLE SEVEN
The name and street address of each incorporator is:
Smoot Carl-Mitchell XXXXXXXX
Austin, TX 78741
Edward Cavazos XXXXXXXXXX
Austin, TX 78741
Steve Jackson XXXXXXXXXXXX
Austin, TX 78744
ARTICLE EIGHT
No member of the organization, member of the Board, or Officer
shall be personally liable for the payment of the debts of the
Corporation except as such member, Director, or Officer may be
liable by reason of his own conduct and acts.
ARTICLE NINE
Upon dissolution of the corporation, assets shall be distributed
for one or more exempt purposes within the meaning of section
501(c)(3) of the Internal Revenue Code, or corresponding section
of any future federal tax code.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, we have hereunto set our hands, this _______
day of ___________________, l992.
____________________________
Smoot Carl-Mitchell, Incorporator
____________________________
Steve Jackson, Incorporator
____________________________
Edward Cavazos, Incorporator
THE STATE OF TEXAS $
COUNTY OF TRAVIS $
I, a notary public, do hereby certify that on this _____ day of
____________________, l992, personally appeared before me EDWARD
CAVAZOS, STEVE JACKSON, and SMOOT CARL-MITCHELL, Incorporators,
known to me to be the persons whose names are subscribed to the
foregoing document, who, being first by me duly sworn, individually
and severally declared that they are the persons who executed the
foregoing document as Incorporators, that they executed it for the
purposes therein expressed, and that the statements therein
contained are true and correct.
IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and
seal the day and year above written.
_______________________________
Notary Public, State of Texas (seal)


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***** Reformatted. Please distribute.
CLINTON/GORE ON THE ARTS
Bill Clinton and Al Gore believe that the arts
should play an essential role in educating and
enriching all Americans. The White House should
help the arts become an integral part of education
in every community, helping broaden the horizons of
our children and preserve our valuable cultural
heritage. A Clinton/Gore Administration will
ensure that all of our citizens have access to the
arts for all of our citizens.
As President and Vice President, Bill Clinton and
Al Gore will defend freedom of speech and artistic
expression by opposing censorship or "content
restrictions" on grants made by the National
Endowment for the Arts. They will continue federal
funding for the arts and promote the full diversity
of American culture recognizing the importance of
providing all Americans with access to the arts.
The Record
* Governor Bill Clinton initiated sweeping
educational reforms in the 1980s. The new
standards which the state adopted in 1983
include art and music in the curriculum for
all K-12 students and require one-half unit of
fine arts instruction for high school
graduation. As a result:
! Arkansas is among only a few states that
have included the arts in the basic,
required high school curriculum.
! Student participation in arts programs
has increased 30 percent and funding for
positions for music and art teachers has
increased 35 percent since 1983.
! A "Survey of Fine Arts" course at the
high school level, with curriculum
guidelines for art and instrumental and
vocal music classes in elementary and
secondary schools.
* Governor Clinton has enthusiastically
supported the state's commitment to programs
for the general public. In 1991-92, in the
face of shifting priorities and declining
grant awards from the National Endowment for
the Arts, Governor Clinton strongly sustained
the state's support for touring programs and
local arts agencies.
! While many states' arts agency budgets
dropped as much as 40 percent, Governor
Clinton's budget for the Arkansas Arts
Council increased funding for arts
programs. In 1992, grants from the
Arkansas state Arts Council supported 393
performances, exhibitions and arts
classes in 138 cities and communities in
Arkansas.
! Arkansas has a strong folk arts tradition
and is home to a regional repertory
theater, the nationally recognized
Children's Theater, the Arkansas Symphony
Orchestra, Ballet Arkansas, and numerous
local theater and performing arts
programs.
* Senator Gore has supported funding to bring
operas, symphony orchestras, playhouses, and
educational arts programs to all of America.
* Opposed measures which would cut funding for
the National Endowment for the Arts and place
content restrictions on federally funded
artists.
* Led the fight to preserve funding for public
television programs like Sesame Street that
enrich the lives of million of American
families.

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Monday January 31, 1994
YOU WANNA KNOW HOW TO HANDLE CRIME? ASK A COP
By MIKE ROYKO
THEY'RE ALL over TV and the papers talking about crime: the president of the
United States, his aides, members of Congress, lawyers, professors. They are
promising this and that and vowing to do such and such.
But I've noticed the absence of one group that might be expected to have some
opinion on crime and what, if anything, can be done to reduce it.
Cops.
Oh, once in a while you might get a high-ranking police official, a chief of
some big city department. But police brass sound like the politicians, since
they deal with budgets, manpower charts and other administrative matters.
By cops, I mean the men and women who go out on the street every day and try to
solve crimes and arrest criminals.
In all the blather coming out of Washington about crime, and what the
big-spenders will do about it, the invisible man is the street cop.
So the morning after President Clinton blew hot air at the nation, I called a
friend who has been a cop for many years. He's worked on homicides, robberies,
rapes, just about every form of foul behavior.
Because he aspires to higher rank, and clout still means something in the
Chicago Police Department, it wouldn't help his career to be known as my
friend. So his name can't be used.
But he's real. And when I asked him what his reaction was to the current
anti-crime frenzy in the White House and Congress, he said: ''It's a lot of
bull----.''
He elaborated. ''There's nothing we haven't heard before. Three strikes and
you're out. We already send up three-time losers in Illinois. Hasn't done
anything to the crime rate. Build more prisons. We can't build enough prisons
to hold all the bad guys. Tougher gun laws. Look, the only people the gun laws
affect are honest people. Frankly, I wish every decent family in America had a
gun and knew how to use it.
''Besides, federal crime laws don't mean a damn thing to me because about 95
percent of the crimes in this country are local, not federal. The feds aren't
dealing with shootings in saloons or guys going nuts and killing their wives
and kids or the neighbors. Most of their busts are white-collar. So federal
laws don't mean squat when it comes to everyday crime.
''Now, I'm in a minority, but a lot of cops agree with me on this. And that's
the drug laws. We're wasting our time trying to control that crap. We're
wasting billions of dollars and throwing people in jail who are just
self-destructive goofs.
''We'd be better off doing what we do with liquor and cigarettes. Tax them and
license the sale. Sure, people abuse booze and they smoke. But smoking is way
down because most people know it's bad for them. The same thing with booze.
More white wine and light beer and fewer boilermakers.
''It's the same thing with drugs. Right now, most people don't use drugs. If
you legalize it, most people still won't use drugs.
''But you take away the illegal profit motive, there go the drug peddlers, the
gangs and the other serious crime. And most of the police and political
corruption.
''Then you wouldn't have thousands of cops wasting their time trying to bust
some small-time dealer. You wouldn't have them clogging up the courts and
filling up cells that somebody dangerous should be in.
''But you don't hear the politicians say that because they're afraid of the
people who say: 'I don't want my kids buying drugs.' Hey, lady, if your kid
wants to buy drugs right now, he can do it. And maybe he already is.
''Look back 20 years. Anybody who said we ought to legalize gambling in
Illinois was treated like a nut. The Mafia will take it over. Where there's a
casino there will be murder and prostitution, and families are going to fall
apart because the old man is blowing his paycheck at the blackjack table.
''Now we got gambling boats all over Illinois. We're going to have them in
Chicago and the suburbs. And it's no big deal. The sky isn't falling.
''Same thing with drugs. What, somebody is going to smoke some marijuana at
home, listen to music, then go out and shoot everybody he sees? No, he's going
to fall asleep and get up the next morning with less of a hangover than if he
drank three boilermakers.
''Now, if you legalize the stuff, and tax it, you save billions of dollars that
we're wasting now, and you bring in a lot of extra money from the taxes.
''Then you take that money and use some of it for rehabbing the junkies.
''But you also find ways to invest it in places like the West Side, in public
works projects or to help start private businesses that will create jobs.
Because that's where it all started, the craziness and the higher crime rate.
When the low-skill jobs disappeared, the husbands were out of work and they
disappeared. And that's why we have all these one-parent or no-parent families
that turn out the street criminals.
''Hey, but what do I know? I only go out there and arrest them, fill out the
paperwork and go to court.
''It's not like I'm some expert in Washington and get on C-Span.''

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Asset Forfeiture: Civil Forfeiture
- Part 2 -
IV. Common Factors of Circumstantial Proof
''Close Proximity''
Despite recent decreased emphasis on seizures of cash and/or cars that
occur during the arrest of drug violators, such seizures nevertheless
continue to account for many civil forfeitures. The courts recognize
that the location of assets in "close proximity" to narcotics is a
relevant factor. Such evidence helps establish that the property
constitutes drug proceeds or was intended to be exchanged in a narcotics
transaction.(18) In each case, of course, the courts also examine the
circumstances of the seizure for evidence of narcotics trafficking.
Cash Hordes
Courts often regard cash hordes as strongly indicative of narcotics
trafficking. As one court has noted, "[a] large sum of cash, in and of
itself, is evidence of its use for the purpose of an illegal drug
transaction."(19)
In situations involving a cash horde, the government ordinarily seeks to
forfeit the horde as money obtained directly in exchange for narcotics.
By itself, the presence of cash will not justify forfeiture. However,
the attendant circumstances frequently provide additional proof linking
the horde to narcotics trafficking. For example, as stated above, the
money may have been found in close proximity to narcotics. In addition,
as one court recently observed: Of particular significance is the nature
of the currency itselfQthe way it was packaged, the mixed denominations
of the bills, and the sheer amount of currency consisting of a large
number of small billsQ which in this court's own experience . . .
appears to be a common thread running through cases involving controlled
substances and the proceeds therefrom.(20)
Thus, the circumstances of each cash horde should be carefully analyzed
for indications of drug dealing.
Concealment Efforts and Commingled Funds
Efforts to conceal the true ownership of property or to disguise the
manner in which it was purchased constitute significant evidentiary
factors. For example, in United States v. Parcels of Land
(Laliberte),(21) the court noted: Laliberte attempted to shield this
money from the attention of the government, which is a further
indication of drug trafficking . . . Laliberte instructed [his partner]
not to make deposits of . . . money in amounts greater than $10,000 in
order to avoid scrutiny by the Internal Revenue Service. Laliberte also
told his accountant not to itemize his personal investments . . .
despite the tax benefits he could have realized from doing so.(22)
Likewise, in United States v. Haro,(23) the court based its decision to
allow a criminal forfeiture of a defendant's property, in part, on his
efforts to conceal the property's true ownership.(24) The defendant, an
attorney, undertook extensive measures to conceal narcotics proceeds in
order to buy real estate. Such proof, albeit circumstantial, obviously
serves to link assets to narcotics activity.(25)
Commingled funds pose special difficulties for the government. Although
commingling may be evidence of narcotics activity, the government's
recovery is limited to the percentage of the property proven to be
tainted.(26) Courts will carefully scrutinize allegedly commingled
funds, however, to ensure that they are partially derived from
legitimate sources.(27)
Extensive Cash Expenditures
Another factor often cited by the courts is the tendency of drug
traffickers to engage in numerous large cash transactions. This pattern
is so well recognized that the Fourth Circuit recently reversed a
district court decision that failed to give such evidence proper weight:
The district court found that during a nine-month stretch . . . [the
claimant] made cash expenditures totaling $137,000.... The court failed
to note the significance of this evidence, namely that the possession of
unusually large amounts of cash . . . or the making of uncommonly large
cash purchases . . . may be circumstantial evidence of drug
trafficking.(28)
Likewise, the Second Circuit, after recounting a claimant's various cash
expenditures, recently concluded that "[t]he district court could
reasonably infer that it was unusual to pay for expensive property such
as real estate and heavy construction equipment with cash it could also
find even more unusual [the claimant's] payments for some of the
purchases with five, ten, and twenty dollar bills."(29)
Informal Net-Worth Analysis
The tendency of drug traffickers to engage in large cash transactions is
frequently accompanied by the absence of legitimate means of employment
capable of supporting such large expenditures. Accordingly, courts often
consider an apparent discrepancy between an individual's lifestyle and
his or her employment income as indicative of narcotics trafficking and
its proceeds.
In most cases, courts note this conflict without conducting the type of
formal "net worth" analysis typical of tax prosecutions. For example,
one leading commentator has observed: In the typical proceeds case, the
government shows that a drug trafficker has acquired substantial assets,
often purchased with cash, but has no legitimate or declared source of
income that could account for more than a fraction of his wealth.
Frequently, he has filed no tax returns for several years, and, of
course, there is always the strong evidence of a "likely source from
which [the trier of fact] could reasonably find that the net worth
increases sprang." Such evidence is usually enough to show probable
cause to believe that all of the trafficker's more valuable property is
subject to forfeiture....(30)
Thus, after quoting the above excerpt, one district court stated:
Under a net worth theory, the government could survive a motion to
dismiss by alleging, with sufficient particularity, that [the claimant]
is a drug trafficker, that he has no other known source of income, and
that he has accumulated substantial assets during the period in which he
had no known source of income.(31)
Accordingly, even an informal net worth analysis provides a strong
evidentiary basis for finding that targeted assets constitute narcotics
proceeds.
Formal Net-Worth Analysis
On occasion, the government has resorted to a more formal presentation
of "net worth" proof. This process involves establishing an individual
target's income during a designated period and comparing this figure
with his expenditures or increased net worth during the same period.
Given proof of substantial narcotics trafficking, the difference between
these amounts suggests that the proceeds are illicit.
Before 1988, the government rarely relied on this method of proof in
forfeiture cases. Since then, however, law enforcement has learned that
this highly effective method of tracing proceeds can be accomplished
relatively easily and without the complexities of a tax prosecution. As
a result, net-worth proof has become more common in civil forfeiture
cases. More important, numerous appellate courts have relied on this
mode of proof to sustain forfeitures.
For example, in United States v. Parcels of Land (Laliberte)(32) the
First Circuit initially noted that the claimant's average annual
adjusted gross income was $27,690, and then set forth his numerous
expenditures during this period. Based on a comparison of these figures,
the court stated: The sheer magnitude of Laliberte's expenditures
supports an inference that his property acquisitions were funded with
the proceeds of drug trafficking. Laliberte's millions of dollars in
purchases far exceeded his reported average annual income, . . . and
there was no other apparent legitimate source of money to account for
the magnitude of the expenditures.(33)
Similarly, in United States v. Thomas,(34) the Fourth Circuit observed:
Here the undisputed cash expenditures vastly exceeded Thomas' legitimate
income. During this period, Thomas' only source of income was his
business .... Records ... show that Thomas reported only $13,964 in
gross income on his business license applications for the years 1983
through 1986 .... Thomas' tax returns ... report an income of
approximately $11,000 in 1985 and $1,300 in 1986. According to testimony
of his wife, Thomas also had significant obligations during this period:
two separate households with a woman and five children in each. Evidence
that cash expenditures by ThomasQa suspected drug traffickerQhugely
exceeded any verifiable income suggest that the money was derived
illegally.(35)
Given the persuasive effect of net-worth analysis, this methodology has
been repeatedly endorsed by federal appellate courts.(36) For this
reason, although forfeiture can generally be achieved without such
proof, net-worth analysis should be considered in major civil forfeiture
actions aimed at narcotics proceeds.
Failure to Account for Income; Inherently Incredible Testimony and
Affirmative Misrepresentations
Another circumstantial factor applied by the courts focuses on an
individual's inability to account for the targeted asset and/or an
individual's tendency to misrepresent how the property was obtained. The
special nature of civil forfeiture proceedings provides the government
with unique opportunities to develop this line of evidence.
Because forfeiture actions under $881 are civil proceedings,
individual's cannot take complete refuge under the privilege against
self incrimination. The privilege does apply to civil proceedings, of
course, but within that context judges may draw an adverse inference
about individuals asserting the privilege.(37) As a result, owners of
seized property are potentially exposed to scrutiny either through
pretrial discovery or by cross-examination at trial. This exposure
places pressure on those owners to explain how they obtained their money
or other property.
Accordingly, when property owners have failed to provide a satisfactory
explanation, courts have cited this failure as indicative of a
connection between narcotics trafficking and the asset(s) in question.
For example, in United States v. 228 Acres of Land,(38) the Second
Circuit based its probable cause finding, in part, on the following
analysis: [The Claimant] failed to account adequately for his possession
of such large sums of cash. He made no claim of prior gifts or of
earlier investments. Instead, he claimed that the funds were after-tax
profits from his jewelry business, but he failed to offer any bills,
receipts or other records to prove that his . . . businesses were
actually capable of generating such large sums of cash.(39)
Most claimants resort to asserting that the money in question
constitutes gambling winnings or cash that had been stored at home. This
position has been almost universally rejected. For example: In trying to
prove that the large sum of money in question is not subject to
forfeiture, claimant asserts that he won the majority of the money
gambling . . . He is unclear, however, as to the amounts he won and when
he won the money. Also, for the years he claimed he won the money, his
tax returns do not show any gambling winnings.... Claimant testified
that he kept the money in a large wooden box in the utility room
attached to his house; however, his wife testified . . . that she never
recalled seeing a large wooden box .... The court also finds it highly
unlikely that a person would keep such a large sum . . . in a box in a
utility room accessible only from the outside . . . of the house.(40)
Similarly, in other cases, courts have found the testimony of the owner
in question to be contradictory, non-credible, or outright false. Such
evidence, therefore, is considered indicative of a connection between an
asset and narcotics trafficking.(41)
Proof of Narcotics Trafficking
A threshold requirement in this general context is proof of narcotics
trafficking during a specified time period. Absent such proof, none of
the factors set forth above would warrant forfeiture. In addition,
however, courts are more likely to find that assets constitute narcotics
proceeds when the government proves extensive narcotics activity. In
other words, the more evidence of drug dealing, the more likely the
assets will be deemed narcotics proceeds.
Proof of trafficking is regarded indicative of illicit proceeds because
judges recognize that the drug trade typically generates large profits.
Thus, extensive proof of trafficking increases the likelihood of tainted
assets. Such proof may consist of prior convictions and arrests for drug
dealing as well as evidence that did not result in prosecution.(42) In
addition, courts may consider the purity of the drugs in question as
suggestive of both the claimant's role in the distribution chain and of
the length of time he has been in the trade.(43) Thus, when the purity
of the drugs is high, the violator is probably both high up in the
distribution chain and likely to have been dealing drugs for a
substantial period.(44)
Statements by Informants
In federal prosecutions, courts also have recognized the potential value
of informant statements set forth in affidavits. Though generally not a
major part of the government's case, such evidence is viewed as
suggestive. For example, such evidence recently was used to help
establish an individual's involvement in drug trafficking and to
identify his illicit proceeds.(45) Therefore, its potential value ought
to be kept in mind.
Expert Opinions
The significance of circumstantial evidence presented by the
government's case may be explained to the court by an expert witness.
For example, in United States v. 228 Acres of Land,(46) the court
allowed a DEA agent to give an expert opinion on several matters,
including the proposition that the purity of the claimant's heroin was
indicative of both his role in the narcotics enterprise and his
connection to the supply source.(47) Because an expert witness can
explain the importance of facts that otherwise may appear innocuous or
insignificant, such testimony can make a crucial difference in close
cases. Moreover, because expert opinion affords the government a key
opportunity to explain and summarize its case, expert testimony should
be used whenever a forfeiture case is based on circumstantial evidence.
Conclusion
Asset forfeiture continues to be a critical weapon in the war on
narcotics trafficking. Fortunately for law enforcement, the case law has
developed in a manner that both interprets the term "proceeds" broadly
and facilitates the tracing of such proceeds to narcotics trafficking.
Thus, law enforcement need not rely only on direct evidence, which is
rarely available, to establish a strong forfeiture case. Circumstantial
evidence is often sufficient. To maximize the potential afforded by
asset forfeiture, however, prosecutors and investigators must make every
effort to present in court the array of circumstantial proof outlined in
this monograph.
Endnotes
1. See M. Goldsmith, Asset ForfeitureQCivil Forfeiture: Tracing the
Proceeds of Narcotics Trafficking (BJA 1988).
2. D. Smith, The Prosecution and Defense of Forfeiture Cases, $4.03[4]
(1990 Supp.) [hereinafter Smith, Forfeiture].
3. 675 F. Supp. 645 (D. Fla. 1987).
4. Id. at 645-46; see United States v. One 1980 Rolls Royce, 905 F.2d
89, 91 (5th Cir. 1990).
5. See, e.g., United States v. Monkey, 725 F.2d 1007, 1012 (5th Cir.
1984). An expansive view of proceeds was addressed in the dicta, the
issue itself was not brought up on appeal.
6. Wood v. United States, 863 F.2d 417, 419 (5th Cir. 1989).
7. United States v. $4,250,000 in Currency, 808 F.2d 895, 897 (5th Cir.
1987); United States v. A Single Family Residence, 803 F.2d 625, 628
(11th Cir. 1986).
8. United States v. One 56 Foot Motor Yacht, 702 F.2d 1276, 1282 (9th
Cir. 1987), United States v. One 1964 Beechcraft, 691 F.2d 725, 728 (5th
Cir. 1982).
9. United States v. $4,255,625.39 in Currency, 762 F.2d 895, 904 (11th
Cir. 1985); United States v. $13,000 in Currency, 733 F.2d 581, 585 (8th
Cir. 1984).
10. United States v. Banco Cafetero Panama, 797 F.2d 1154, 1160 (2d Cir.
1986); United States v. $4,265,000 in Currency, 762 F.2d 895, 904 (11th
Cir. 1985).
11. United States v. One 1980 Red Ferrari, 875 F.2d 186, 188 (8th Cir.
1989); see also United States v. Thomas, 913 F.2d 1111, 1114 (4th Cir.
1990).
12. United States v. Edwards, 885 F.2d 377, 390 (7th Cir. 1989), see
also United States v. Thomas, 913 F.2d 1111, 1114 (4th Cir. 1990).
13. 913 F.2d 1111 (4th Cir. 1990).
14. Id. at 1115.
15. Id. at 1117.
16. 903 F.2d 36 (1st Cir. 1990).
17. Id. at 38-39 (emphasis added).
18. See, e.g., United States v. Pace, 898 F.2d 1218, 1235-36 (7th Cir.
1990); United States v. $91,960, 897 F.2d 1457, 1462 (8th Cir. 1990)
19. United States v. One Lot of $99,870, 1988 Dist. Lexis 15415 (D.
Mass.) (noting, however, that such proof alone does not necessarily
constitute probable cause).
20. United States v. $103,025, 741 F. Supp. 903, 905 (M.D. Ga. 1990).
21. 903 F.2d 36 (1st Cir. 1990).
22. Id. at 40.
23. 685 F. Supp. 1468 (E.D. Wisc. 1988), aff'd. sub. nom. United States
v. Herrero, 893 F.2d 1512, 1543 (7th Cir. 1990).
24. Id. at 1470-71 & 1475.
25. See also United States v. 228 Acres of Land and Dwelling, 916 F.2d
808, 813 (2nd Cir. 1990) (effort to conceal income a factor in probable
cause determination), United States v. 1.678 Acres of Land, 684 F. Supp.
426, 427 (W.D. N.C. 1988) (payments for property made in the name of
third parties; violator deeded property to third party shortly after
seizure of drugs and currency).
26. See, e.g., United States v. One Rolls Royce, 905 F.2d 89, 90-91 (5th
Cir. 1990) (citing other authority); United States v. Certain Real
Property at 2323 Charms Rd., 726 F. Supp. 164, 169 (E.D. Mich. 1989).
Once this percentage has been determined, however, the government will
likely benefit from a favorable accounting procedure to maximize the
amount subject to forfeiture. United States v. Banco Cafetero Panama,
797 F.2d 1154, 1159 (2d Cir. 1986).
27. United States v. One Rolls Royce, 905 F.2d 89, 91 (5th Cir. 1990).
28. United States v. Thomas, 913 F.2d 1111,1115 (4th Cir. 1990).
29. United States v. 228 Acres of Land, 916 F.2d 808, 813 (2nd Cir.
1990); see also United States v. Parcels of Land (Laliberte), 903 F.2d
36, 40 (1st Cir. 1990); United States v. $215,300 United States
Currency, 882 F.2d 417, 419 (9th Cir. 1989).
30. Smith, Forfeiture, supra note 2, $4.03, at 450 (1990 Supp.). This
observation, however, is qualified by the following appropriate
commentary:
A problem of proof, however, arises where the government makes the
mistake of trying to forfeit literally everything owned by the drug
trafficker, including a great many items of small value. If the
trafficker can show any non-drug income, fairness dictates that he ought
to at least be able to keep a portion of his total assets corresponding
to the proportion his non-drug income bears to his drug derived income.
Id. at 451, cited with approval in United States v. Property at 2323
Charms Rd., 726 F. Supp. 164, 169 (E.D. Mich 1989)
31. United States v. Property at 2323 Charms Rd., 726 F. Supp. 164, 169
(E.D. Mich. 1989); see also United States v. Miscellaneous Property, 667
F. Supp. 232, 239-41 (D. Md. 1987).
32. 903 F.2d 36 (2d Cir. 1990).
33. Id. at 39-40.
34. 913 F.2d 1111 (4th Cir. 1990).
35. Id. at 1115 (citing other authority).
36. See United States v. One 1987 Mercedes 560 SEL, 919 F.2d 327, 331-32
(5th Cir. 1990); United States v. 228 Acres of Land, 916 F.2d 808, 813
(2nd Cir. 1990); United States v. Edwards, 885 F.2d 377, 390 (7th Cir.
1989), United States v. Nelson, 851 F.2d 976, 980 (7th Cir. 1988).
37. See, e.g., United States v. Thomas 913 F.2d 1111, 1115 (4th Cir.
1990) (citing Baxter v. Palmigiano, 425 U.S. 308 318 (1976)).
38. 916 F.2d 808 (2nd Cir. 1990).
39. Id. at 813.
40. United States v. $103,025 in U.S. Currency, 741 F. Supp. 903, 906
(M.D. Ga. 1990); see also United States v. Thomas, 913 F.2d 1111, 1118
(4th Cir. 1990).
41. United States v. 228 Parcels of Land, 916 F.2d 808, 813 (2nd Cir.
1990) (false statements); United States v. Haro, 685 F. Supp. 1468,
1470-71 & 1475 (E.D. Wisc. 1988) (testimony incredible and perjurious),
aff'd. sub. nom. United States v. Herrero, 893 F.2d 1512, 1543 (7th Cir.
1990); United States v. One Lot of $99,870 in U.S. Currency, 1988 U.S.
Dist. Lexis 15415 (D. Mass.) (contradictory testimony); United States v.
11348 Wyoming, 705 F. Supp. 352, 355-56 (E.D. Mich. 1989); cf. United
States v. One 1987 Mercedes SEL, 919 F.2d 327 332 (5th Cir. 1990)
(claimant unable to meet burden of proof); United States v. Parcels of
Land (Laliberte), 903 F.2d 36 41-42 (1st Cir. 1990) (same).
42. See, e.g., United States v. Thomas 913 F.2d 1111, 1116 (4th Cir.
1990); United States v. One Lot of $99,870 in U.S . Currency, 1988 U.S.
Dist. Lexis 15415 (D. Mass.) (arrest resulting in nolle prosequi still a

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ASSET FORFEITURE TAKES A BIG HIT IN CALIFORNIA!
Thank you, folks, for helping in this endevor:
LAWMAKERS REVOKE COPS' ASSET-SEIZING POWERS
WIDESPREAD ABUSE LEADS LEGISLATURE TO LET THE LAW REVERT TO 1988 RULES,
WHICH REQUIRE A CONVICTION.
By GARY WEBB
Mercury News Sacramento Bureau
SACRAMENTO -- Stung by evidence of widespread abuse, the California
Legislature decided Friday night to kill the state's asset-forfeiture law,
which for four years has allowed police to take money and property from people
who were merely suspected of dealing drugs.
Starting next year, police will be required to obtain drug-trafficking
convictions in most cases before they can keep seized property.
``The way the asset forfeiture law was being applied was an assault on
individual property rights and not necessarily on drug dealers,'' said
Assemblyman John Burton, D-San Francisco, who led the fight to reform the
forfeiture law. ``I think we have solved a significant problem here.''
With the repeal, California becomes only the second state in the nation to
revoke the vast seizure powers police agencies were granted in the 1980s when
the ``war on drugs'' was at its height. Missouri lawmakers scaled back their
forfeiture laws this spring after evidence of police abuses surfaced.
The outcome was a stunning defeat for California law enforcement agencies, who
until a few weeks ago were almost assured of getting the controversial law
made permanent. Last year, police said keeping the law -- which has produced
at least $180 million for police and prosecutors since 1989 -- was their No. 1
political priority.
But lobbyists and lawmakers said a recent Mercury News series on forfeiture
abuses changed everything.
``I think the accuracy and the detail of the series outlining the abuses was
the turning point in the negotiations,'' said Margaret Pena, a lobbyist for
the American Civil Liberties Union, which has been pressing for reform of the
forfeiture statutes for several years. ``For once the Legislature has put the
concerns of innocent people who have been abused by the police above the
interests of law enforcement.''
Some lawmakers complained their telephone lines were tied up for hours by
callers urging forfeiture reforms.
Attorney General Dan Lungren, in a news conference early Friday, accused the
press of being duped by drug lawyers. He described lawmakers who supported
forfeiture reforms as advocating a ``cease-fire'' in the drug war.
REPORTS CALLED `DISTORTED'
``Unfortunately, the white powder bar has done a great job of getting this
issue represented in the press in very distorted fashion to suggest that
somehow there are wide-scale problems with this law,'' Lungren said. ``That
is, in fact, inaccurate. That has not been true since the law took effect.''
Lungren, who favors expanding the forfeiture laws, said there were few
``troublesome'' cases among the 16,000 forfeiture actions filed by state
prosecutors in the last four years -- less than one-thousandth of 1 percent,
he said.
The Mercury News investigation, which examined more than 250 court cases in
five counties, found dozens of instances in which property was taken from
people who had never been convicted of drug trafficking or who had their cases
dropped. The law was intended to take profits away from major drug dealers,
but records show property seizures were often aimed at the poor, casual drug
users and people who speak no English.
Burton, chairman of the Assembly Rules Committee, attempted to change the law
to allow forfeiture claimants access to up to $10,000 of their own funds to
hire a lawyer. Since forfeiture is a civil, not criminal, proceeding,
claimants have no right to have a court-appointed lawyer. The Mercury News
found that many people whose assets were seized were forced to represent
themselves.
Burton's bill, AB 114, also would have prohibited police from seizing items
worth less than $1,500 and required law enforcement to file criminal charges
before assets could be seized.
Law enforcement agencies objected strongly to allowing forfeiture claimants
access to money to hire lawyers, saying it would give ``millions of dollars to
drug lawyers'' and allow drug dealers to keep $40 million a year.
By early this morning, Burton's bill, backed by an unusual coalition of
conservative Republicans and liberal Democrats, had not come up for a vote.
Because no new forfeiture bill was approved, the current law expires Dec. 31,
and forfeitures will then be governed by a 1988 law that requires criminal
convictions in most cases.
``I tried to work with (law enforcement) on it, but they kept saying they'd
rather let the (current law) die,'' Burton said. After reading the 1988 law
that will govern asset forfeitures if the current law isn't renewed, Burton
said he was happy to oblige.
``The '88 law doesn't have some of the protections that mine does, but at
least they've got to get a criminal conviction before they can take
anything,'' Burton said. ``I couldn't get my bill out of committee with a
conviction requirement in it.''
Only cases involving the seizure of more than $25,000 in cash will not require
convictions. But in those cases, prosecutors must provide clear and convincing
evidence that the cash is drug-tainted -- a much higher level of proof than
what is currently required.
Negotiations between Burton and law enforcement broke down Wednesday after
anonymous leaflets written by prosecutors began circulating through the halls
of the statehouse, depicting Burton as a friend of drug dealers. Burton
stormed out and told reporters he wouldn't continue the talks until he got a
public apology.
`OVERZEALOUS COPS' BLAMED
Assemblyman Richard Katz, the Los Angeles Democrat who wrote the 1989 bill
that gave rise to many of the abuses, acknowledged the law had caused some
unintended problems, which he blamed on ``overzealous cops.''
Katz said the 1992 killing of Donald Scott, a Ventura County millionaire who
was gunned down by police during an asset forfeiture raid that found no drugs,
was ``a prime example'' of law enforcement gone awry.
``But I think generally asset forfeiture has been one of the most successful
weapons in the war on drugs,'' Katz said. ``Rather than lose the law, I think
the problems could have been worked out.''
Sen. Ken Maddy, R-Fresno, one of the Legislature's staunchest supporters of
asset forfeiture, said Friday that he would try again next year -- an election
year -- to get the forfeiture law reinstated.
But Burton said that as long as he runs the Assembly Rules Committee, which
decides the fate of thousands of bills every year, that is unlikely to happen.
``They're not going to get anything else on this for as long as I'm here,''
Burton vowed.
San Jose Mercury News

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GOVERNMENT SURPLUS AUCTIONS 1994
GOVERNMENT SURPLUS AUCTIONS
MISCELLANEOUS
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November 16 ----------------- Southampton
November 21 ----------------- Banbury
November 22 ----------------- Banbury
November 30 ----------------- Carlisle/Catterick
December 7 ------------------ Telford
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At What Price Peace
An Editorial by Robert Hoffman, Editor
The Bear Valley Voice
Big Bear Lake, CA USA
February 23, 1994
(c) 1994 - Posted with Permission
On Singapore TV last night, the Muppets sang a song urging
toleration among the various types of monsters, a lesson in
which kids here don't need much instruction. This tiny
island, floating in the South China Sea and blown by hot,
wet winds off the Straights of Jahore, is home to 2.5
million natives and another 3 million foreign workers.
There are Malays, Tamils, Chinese, Indians, Europeans and
a few other ethnic groups here who live in peace (mostly)
under the watchful eye of a paternalistic government.
Toleration --- of religious, cultural and linguistic
differences --- is not merely a consumation devoutly to
be wished. It is a necessity of life.
One is struck by this, and by the almost total lack of
violent crime. And one is tempted to wish that America
could be run this well. Until, of course, a deeper look
reveals the cost of peace and relative safety.
It is illegal in Singapore to chew gum, smoke indoors, spit
anywhere and to fail to flush the toilet. Infractions can
cost you a hefty fine, although we have yet to see any police
patrolling the men's rooms. The penalty for trafficking in
drugs is the ultimate one --- the gallows. Two years ago, a
couple of Australians found out the government was not
kidding about this.
Those unwise enough to commit crimes are subjected to another
punishment that most Americans would also find cruel and
unusual --- caning. A man who killed a prostitute, rather
inadvertently, got five years --- and 12 strokes.
If a newspaper publishes something the government takes
exception to, the authorities simply ban it from the stands.
And the system works. There is no gum on the sidewalk, no
foul smell of smoke in the restaurants, and so far all the
toilets appear to be duly flushed. There are not homeless
beggars squatting on the sidewalks, and if drug addiction
exists, it does so behind tightly closed doors. Newspapers
tow the line.
The price? An almost tangible lack of jay -- not content-
ment or security, but happiness. These folks are somber
and businesslike. They are dutiful, responsible, frugal,
obedient, compliant, polite --- and humorless. And even
in this sultry tropical setting, the people of Singapore are
as buttoned up and as frightfully modern as a businessman
from Phoenix or a computer nerd from Silicon Valley.
This may have come from Singapore's history as a Crown
colony --- 150 years under rule from London. The Japanese
arrived one morning on bicycles and rousted the British
garrison (which was, unaccountably, waiting for the invasion
on the wrong sde of the island), and the Singaporeans were
visited with one of the most brutal occupations in history.
In the early '60s, they became their own masters --- flirting
with communism, dallying with Malaysia and Indonesia, and
finally striking out on their own under the heavy-handed but
avuncular leadership of Oxford-educated former prime minister
Lee Kwan Yew.
The result is a country steeped in Western ways (English is
the dominant language and will be probably forever) with an
Asian soul. Individual freedom is not an Oriental virtue,
and the average Singaporean is amused that Americans are
aghast at the control the government has over the people's
lives. They point to their low crime rate and their clean
streets and wonder how we can put personal freedoms over such
blessings.
We don't bother to explain.
Dennis R. Hilton <drhilton@kaiwan.com>

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Danielle Crittenden - Wall Street Journal - March 31, 1994
(Ms. Crittenden recently moved back to her native Toronto)
----------------------------------------------------------
Recently I spoke to a friend who had given birth to her second
child a week after I did in November. My child's birth was
covered by private insurance in New York; my friend gave birth
here, under Canada's much-lauded, state-funded, universal health
care plan.
"Did you have an epidural?" she asked suspiciously, referring to
the local anesthetic injected into the lower spine, a common
painkiller for childbirth.
"Of course," I said (neither of us romanticize the pain of
"natural" labor). "It was wonderful. My husband and I played
Scrabble in the birthing room right up until I had to push. I
won," I added.
A cold silence.
"How did yours go?" I asked.
"It was awful," she said bitterly. "When I got to the hospital, I
asked for an epidural. The nurse said I had to wait - there were
three people ahead of me. Soon, I was feeling sick with pain. The
nurse told me to take a hot shower. I couldn't stand it anymore,
and begged for the anesthetic. It still wasn't my turn. I was
rocking back and forth in agony. Then the doctor arrived and said
the baby was coming out and it was too late for anything.
Afterward he apologized o me - he said I looked in terrible pain
and it was horrible to watch."
It seemed astonishing to me, listening to my friend's story, that
in late 20th century North America a woman would have to give
birth the old-fashioned way - in pain. It's true incidents like
this do sometimes occur in the U.S., yet in Ontario - Canada's
richest and most populous province - government control of
medicine has made the exceptional the norm.
My friend, who is an editor at a national magazine and married to
a partner in a major law firm, give birth at St. Michael's, a
bustling central Toronto hospital. The hospital's head of
anesthesia confirms that from 4 P.M. to 8 A.M., as well as on
weekends and holidays, there is only one anesthetist on duty for
the entire hospital; for traffic-accident and burn victims,
everyone. If he's busy, tough luck.
St. Michael's isn't unique, either. I checked with other large
hospitals in the city. Few had more than a single anesthetist on
duty off-hours. At North York General, in the midst of Toronto's
most affluent suburbs, 3,500 babies are born a year, 60% of them
to women who request epidurals - and there is still only one
anesthetist on duty off-hours.
Outside of Toronto, the situation is even worse. Ontario's
socialist government, desperately seeking to control its runaway
health budget, has announced that epidurals will no longer be
available to women in Thunder Bay, a community of 125,000 in the
northwest of the province. Thunder Bay women needn't feel picked
on. According to Richard Johnston, a spokesman for the Ontario
Medical Association, the availability of epidurals is sporadic
everywhere outside Toronto, because few small hospitals have the
budget for anesthetists trained to give epidurals, especially
during off-hours. Many women end up going to their general
practitioners for delivery and doing it "naturally," whether they
like it or not.
Apologists for the Canadian health system blame greedy doctors
for its chronic shortages and queues. But an Ontario doctor
receives only US$100 to administer an epidural. His U.S.
counterpart usually collects about US$1,000 (a figure that,
unlike the Canadian, takes into account overhead and equipment).
Epidurals are vanishing from Ontario, not because doctors are
overpaid but because hospitals' fees per birth are capped at very
low rates by a debt-burdened government. And, as many argue would
happen under the Clinton health plan, it is illegal for either
the doctor or the hospital to charge even willing patients more
than the state-prescribed fee.
The result? As Dr. Johnston says: "In the case of an anesthetist
trained to give epidurals, it is not lucrative for him to offer
his services all night. Why bother staying up, if you don't get
paid extra for it?"
Some American women have already gotten a whiff of the cruelties
of Canadian medicine. In California, the Midwest, and Florida,
according to Nancy Oriol, director of obstetric anesthesia at
Beth Israel Hospital in Boston, some large HMOs refuse to pay for
epidurals unless a patient has a medical condition thought to
warrant it, such as a history of heart disease. And of course it
is the intention of the Clinton health plan to drive ever large
numbers of Americans into HMOs.
My friend did have one choice that the users of HMOs do not - the
freedom to choose her own doctor. But her choice was an empty
one. For while she might pick an obstetrician, she had no way to
be sure that he would in the end deliver her baby. Most Canadian
obstetricians now work in groups, and a patient gets whichever of
them happens to be on call at the time she goes into labor, or
the intern on duty at the hospital (again, why bother to work
late ...). Further, few Canadian doctors can afford to have
ultrasound machines or other sophisticated machinery in their
offices. Those tests have to be booked weeks in advance.
My New York doctor, on the other hand, was there for me at any
hour, even for a false labor at 2 A.M., because he is an
old-style fee-for-service man. He also had an ultrasound in his
examining room. In the end, my friend's baby was delivered by her
family GP, because he promised to be present.
Pregnant women, of course, are not the only Canadians suffering
as provinces across the country seek to hold down health care
costs. Americans are by now familiar with tales of Canadians
queuing for heart bypasses and chemotherapy, or crossing the
border for surgery. But what my friend's nasty experience reveals
is that the system can no longer cope with an event as
straightforward as birth. It is as if medical practice in Canada
is reeling backward in time; in the case of birth, as much as a
century.
As part of this drive toward ever more primitive medicine, the
Ontario government has set up three free-standing "birth
centers," staffed by midwives. It is hoped that these centers, so
much less costly to run than high-tech maternity wards, will
attract "low-risk" pregnant women away from hospitals. Midwifery
became a licensed profession in Ontario last year. These
graduates of a three-year community college program will earn, on
average, as much as $300 more per birth than obstetricians (who
are paid $250 per delivery, and $18 per pre- and post-natal
visit). The government has committed $8 million to the program.
The ministry of health claims that its sudden munificence toward
midwives is all the in the spirit of promoting "choice" for
women. But given the difficulty women who do not want to suffer
pain in childbirth face in exercising their right of choice, the
gesture smacks of cynicism. It is health bureaucrats who are
making the real choices. They have decided that epidurals are an
"elective," even an extravagance, and that women who anticipate
normal labors should have their babies without anesthesia, and
better still, in someplace other than a costly hospital ward.
You might expect that Ontario's anti-anesthetic policy would face
charges of sexism. No one is suggesting, for instance, that men
have hernia surgery without painkillers, under the knife of a
"caring professional" who did not graduate from med school. When
the American College of Obstetricians and Gynecologists last year
found out that some U.S. insurers were refusing to pay for
epidurals, they issued a report pointing out "there is no other
circumstance where it is considered acceptable for a person to
experience severe pain amenable to safe intervention while under
a physician's care."
But in Canada, the very feminist groups who ought to be outraged
by the policy have, in fact, lobbied for it. These organizations
have long complained about the male-dominated medical profession,
its insistence on delivering babies in sterile hospital
facilities, it enthusiasm for technology. One of the most
important local advocacy groups is even proposing that five
maternity wards in Toronto be shut down once the midwife program
is up and running.
A free-market health system, including one with HMOs, might not
include insured epidurals; but it might create a relatively
undistorted market in which people are to purchase this procedure
themselves. A health system that is run by politicians is,
however, subject to political pressure. This is especially true
when a group's ideologic agenda coincides with the government's
need to save money. In this instance, it actually puts women and
their babies in the sort of danger and pain they have not known
since their great-grandmother's day.

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Bank 3/20* <---+----- Original: by Unnkown Author ---*
*--- Reformatted: by James P. Leonard ----> 7/10/92
Representativess Knew of Overdrafts
If the major media has been full of the developing scandal of an
imperial Congress abusing its own bank for Members' private benefit,
it has also been full of the excuses these members have made to
whitewash their malfeasance.
Prime among these are various versions of blaming the bank for bad
record keeping and notification procedures.
However, according to the Report of the Committee on Standards of
Official Conduct of the House of Representatives, released March 10,
(Report # 102-452), every member who wrote a check which overdrew
his account by more than the amount of his next month's salary was
notified of the fact by telephone and asked to cover the overdraft.
So for most of the offenders, this excuse simply will not wash.
According to the report, "The daily accumulation of Member overdrafts
was so routine that one Bank employee spent much of her time tele-
phoning Members..."
Ms. Klemp, a Bank employee testifying before the Committee is quoted
by the report as follows:
Mr. McHugh (Chairman of the Committee): "...did you tell them that
they had to make their checks good but at the very least they had to
bring them below the next month's salary?"
Ms. Klemp: "That is basically what I said_you have x number amount
of overdrafts. You are over your next month's salary, and I
would always give their salary figure and ask them to please make a
deposit.
"I didn't always say make the exact deposit, but I said please, make
a deposit. In a lot of cases, the Member would clear up the whole
amount. In other cases, they would just drop themselves back below
the next month's salary."
Mr. McHugh: "In terms of what you communicated to them...should they
have known that their overdrafts should never exceed their next
month's salary?"
Ms. Klemp: "Yes, I did make that very clear. In fact, when I would
call and again often talk to a staff person I would say at that time,
if I started to see a lot of overdrafts coming in all of a sudden,
sometimes a lot came in, sometimes it was a trickle all month, if a
lot came in and I could see there was going to be a problem, I would
always say, you are not to exceed your next month's salary or checks
will start to be returned."
But, according to the Report, they seldom, if ever were returned.
So many Members were allowed to write checks while vastly exceeding
their monthly salaries. In addition to the telephone calls alerting
members to their overdrafts, the Report quotes a 1928 letter
from the then Sergeant-at-Arms boasting, that the House Bank was
one of the first in Washington "to install up-to-date methods of
returning monthly statements to its depositors."
While the Report makes no mention of whether that practice still
obtains, there is every reason to expect that it would, and that
Members would demand no less, although some of their statements
raise the question of whether or not it does.
Furthermore, the practice of allowing members to write overdraft
checks for the amount of their next month's wages, was in itself,
not officially sanctioned, other than, by custom.
But the Report states that the General Accounting Office, the
investigative branch of Congress, expressed misgivings about the
overdrafts. It at first, beginning in the 1950s, repeatedly
requested the Sergeant-at-Arms to rectify the situation and either
not allow overdrafts or to establish hard and fast guidelines.
The practice ultimately became sanctioned by custom, however, when
the succeeding Sergeants-at-Arms defended the practice as being an
allowable draft against the next month's salary, rather than as
an overdraft. Thus, by a semantic game, did the Members and
their employee, the Sergeants-at-Arms, extend their privilege.
Criticism of the practice by the GAO, apparently ended in the 1970s,
when the GAO audits were made public. But it did make lists of
suggested regulations which were never adopted, and it did note
with horror that in a ten year period ending in 1968, the number
of unpaid checks had tripled.
It did not mention the matter again until the two reports that
triggered the closure of the House Bank and the disclosure of those
who had abused their privileges, covering the two fiscal years from
July 1, 1988 to June 30, 1990.
The Committee had some difficulty in defining what constituted
"abuse of banking privileges." Its assigned task was to consider
whether Members had "routinely and repeatedly" written overdraft
checks in a "significant" amount.
It decided that any amount up to one month's advance was not
"significant," and ultimately settled on defining "significant"
as being overdrawn in excess of one month's salary.
It acknowledged that anyone unfamiliar with the House Bank "will
find this definition of 'significant amount' generous." It then
went on to say that "In common parlance, the term 'repeated' means
more than once, and 'routine' suggests a pattern of conduct."
But the Committee decided that "repeated" and "routine" meant that
the conduct was engaged in for more than 20 percent of the
39 months under review. So the Committee of Members was still in
fact trying to protect its prerogatives.
But the Minority Report, or that of Republican members of the
Committee challenged this by stating, "we find it impossible to
defend a definition of 'abuse' that is so narrow that it excludes
an individual who wrote over 850 NSF checks totaling over $150,000
with seven separate months of negative balance exceeding next
month's salary deposit."
A late breaking report in The Washington Times, which has been the
first to break and keep on the story, said that finally the Justice
Department is investigating the scandal to determine whether Income
Tax regulations and campaign finance regulations had been violated
with an eye to criminal proceedings. _ADR

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<20> BAD CITIZENS AND GOOD FREEDOM <20>
<20> <20>
<20> by <20>
<20> Jefferson Mack <20>
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"The danger is not that a particular class is unfit to
govern. Every class is unfit to govern." --Lord Acton
If every class is unfit to govern, then who will lead
us? The answer is obvious. No one!
Free, independent, competent people don't need leaders.
A truly free society is disorganized. Nobody is in charge.
Nobody takes orders. Everyone does exactly what he or she
wants to do, taking orders from nobody else. If you want
something from someone else, you make a voluntary trade or
exchange in which both of you are happy with the deal.
The people who preach the need to organize don't want
you to be free. What they want is for you to pay their
bills and do their dirty work so they can be free to do what
they want to do.
The last thing someone who wants to boss others wants
around are independent, competent people who want to left
alone to live their own lives. Such people never make good
citizens, not the way a politician talks about good citizens.
A political leader will tell you a good citizen obeys
the law--every law. A good citizen works hard--at whatever
job the government tells him he is suppose to work at. A
good citizen pays his taxes--even if he doesn't have enough
left over to feed his kids. A good citizen volunteers his or
her time to work on civic projects the leader designs. A
good citizen goes off to fight and die in wars with people he
doesn't know so that the leader can win a place in the
history books. The good citizen never complains--no matter
how stupid or crude a government official treats him nor how
much a leader asks him to sacrifice.
Give a politician enough good citizens and he will rule
forever, fat and happy, while the good citizens sweat and
suffer and die to make sure the political leader keeps the
good life.
Politicians and bureaucrats spend a great deal of time
and effort trying to convince the people they rule that a
moral person must be a good citizen. Back in the dark ages
they called it the "Divine Right of Kings". Now days it's
called patriotic duty, or civic responsibility, but it all
adds up to the argument that every decent, honorable person
must put the interests of the state and the government above
their own personal interests.
BAD CITIZENS HAVE MORE FUN BECAUSE THEY ARE MORE FREE.
A free society is supposed to have free citizens, not
good citizens. The day you wake up and realize you don't
have all the freedom you want, the first thing you want to do
is bad citizen.
A bad citizen may love the place where he lives. He may
love his country and respect his neighbors. But a bad
citizen won't love or respect the people who run the
government. A bad citizen will always put his own interest
and the interest of his family and friends above the interest
of some common good as described by the people who hold
political power.
We are not talking here about violent criminals or
rebels. Political leaders love those kinds of people. They
love pulling their guns, arresting people and putting down
riots. If you don't think the politicians loved the recent
events in Los Angeles, you haven't been watching the TV news.
Every single politician in the country has jumped on the band
wagon by promising us they'll solve the problem if we'll just
give them some more of our money and a little more of our
freedom.
Political leaders love big trials with lots of newspaper
space. It gives them a chance to show how powerful they can
really be. They are expecting open confrontation and they
will be prepared to deal with it. They have detention camps,
secret police, riot control equipment, and the army ready to
go after all those who dare openly confront the government.
But any political leader who's got a country full of
peaceful bad citizens has got a serious problem. Bad
citizens work hard to support themselves, they treat their
neighbors with respect, they won't cheat others for their own
gain, and they don't do violent acts that hurt innocent
people.
What bad citizens won't do is help the government make
his or her life miserable. They continually try to maximize
the freedom they have, even if they have to break or ignore a
few laws to do it.
Too many bad citizens make government almost impossible.
That's one big reason why the Soviet Union didn't work. Too
many Soviet citizens realized they were never going to get a
fair share out of socialism and they stopped being good
citizens. They looked out for themselves rather than the
good of the State.
GOOD CITIZENS MAKE TYRANTS POSSIBLE.
Nazi Germany wasn't filled with people who wanted to
throw Jews into bonfires, make slaves of eastern Europeans,
or rule the world from Berlin. Nazi Germany was filled with
good citizens and Hitler did everything he could to make all
those good citizens think they were better off with him in
charge, even if they did have to give up a few freedoms.
Hitler was more frightened that all those good citizens might
stop being good citizens than he was of the allied armies.
North Korea, Viet Nam, Cuba, Iran, and Iraq are filled
with good citizens, all of them hoping that by being good
citizens, they will help things get better. Only things keep
getting worse. The good citizen works harder but gets less
to eat, has less fun, enjoys life less, and has less hope for
a better future.
BAD CITIZENS HAVE KEPT THE UNITED STATES FREE.
Back in 1917 a majority of the voters in the United
States decided they knew what was best for everyone and
passed the Eighteenth Amendment, taking away the freedom of a
man to relax with a beer after an honest day's work. Hundred
of thousands in this great country suddenly turned into bad
citizens. They didn't organize into a let's-bring-back-the-
booze political party or start blowing up police stations.
All they did was to keep on drinking. Some bad citizens were
more than willing to smuggle, distill, or brew the booze and
sell it for a profit.
In 1933, the social manipulators and the do-gooders
finally gave up, agreed to throw out the great experiment and
a tens of thousands of people went back to being good
citizens.
These kind of things keep happening all over this
country. Have you tried driving a fixed fifty-five along our
highways? A whole industry has gotten rich selling us radar
detectors to give us a chance against the modern technology
of the Highway Patrol. Eventually, the wizards in Washington
had no choice but to up the speed limit to 65, at least in a
few places.
The Drug Enforcement Administration, and every State and
local police department spend billions each year to try and
stamp out the use of recreational drugs. Yet every year, the
price of the drugs go down, while availability go up.
Anybody who wants to smoke pot, can, any place in the United
States.
Other freedoms are under constant attack. Take the
issue of gun control. The people who tout this totalitarian
principle keep telling us that the majority of Americans want
some kind of gun control. So what? No majority in a free
country has the right to take away the freedoms of any
minority. That's what freedom is all about, and owning a gun
is a damn good way to help make sure nobody starts
interfering with your personal freedom. As long as the
people who understand and believe that principle insist on
keeping their guns, we are going to be able to keep them.
In California the state government outlawed a whole
collection of different kinds of semi-automatic weapons and
demanded that every citizen register those weapons and turn
them in. Non-compliance has been almost total.
Americans used to be pretty good tax payers, way back in
the forties and fifties. But one day we woke up and realized
that the fat cat friends of Congress had all been given
special privileges and were paying less than their fair
share.
So a whole lot of good taxpayers have turned into bad
citizens. We are now a nation of tax evaders. We figure
every angle, both legal and illegal to bring down our own
taxes. Every increase in the tax structure is matched or
exceeded by losses as more ordinary middle class citizens
figure out ways to cheat on their taxes or join the
underground economy. We've now got the politicians against
the ropes. They are bankrupting the treasury, but they can't
raise taxes any farther because the know all us bad citizens
aren't going to take it any more.
If we keep protesting and evading new tax increases,
eventually the politicians will have no choice but to start
cutting the waste if they want to leave enough money in the
treasury to keep paying them their fat salaries.
Each of the above examples shows just how much we are a
nation of bad citizens. That's why we have as much freedom
as we do. That's why in recent years, this country has been
moving in the direction of more freedom, not less. The
politicians are finally beginning to understand that you
can't take an American's freedom away and make it stick.
There are two many bad citizens in this country.
HOW TO SURVIVE AS A BAD CITIZEN
Once you realize that you are not living in a free
country and that there is no go reason why you should be a
good citizen, there are a few rules you need to learn so you
can get the most benefit out of being a bad citizen without
suffering more loss of personal freedom or even going to
jail.
A smart bad citizen won't let himself get caught being
bad. He won't brag to his friends and neighbors about what a
bad citizen he is. He won't tell the local newspaper how
proud he is of being a bad citizen. He will not deliberately
confront the government, and he will avoid doing anything in
public that will warn any government official that he is not
a good citizen.
The bad citizen tries to be the invisible man or woman,
the person the government official would never expect is
denying the government his help and cooperation.
That means if you want to be a bad citizen, you don't
want to stand on any street corners making speeches demanding
revolution and you don't want to run with a mob throwing
rocks at police vehicles. You just want to live your own
life, doing everything in private you want to do, exactly the
way you want to do it.
You want to look like a good citizen. You will even
want to do some things that all good citizens do, like vote.
Only once you are in the voting booth, you vote against
every bond issue, every politician who's in office, and every
new initiative that will increase government power or raise
your taxes. If the only choice is between two common thieves
then a bad citizen writes in someone else's name, or even his
own.
You insist on getting every possible government benefit
you are eligible for and demand every government service the
law says you are entitled to receive. If you are eligible,
you'll collect social security, unemployment benefits, use
food stamps, dip into Medicare, claim farm subsidies, and try
to get the government to pay you for drawing obscene art or
writing nasty stories.
You may even decide to take a government job, if you can
make more money doing that than working for some private
firm. But a bad citizen who's got a government job takes all
his sick leave, goofs off every chance he gets, and does
everything he can to minimize the damage the government can
do to other bad citizens.
But don't cooperate with the bastards when it's not to
your advantage to do so. Except when it's in your direct,
economic advantage, you ignore the government. Never
voluntarily do anything that will help the government in any
way.
If bad citizens know someone who is cheating on their
taxes, violating a business license law, working in a job
paying less than the minimum wage, or selling a little dope,
they don't call the authorities.
A bad citizen files his income tax return but cheats in
ways that take advantage of IRS incompetence. Bad citizens
work off the books and don't declare the income. They'll
drive one hundred and fifty miles to buy a truck load of
groceries in another state that charges less sales tax.
A bad citizen loses his census form, or fills it in
wrong. Bad citizens don't provide the government any kind of
information unless they get an immediate benefit or there is
a government official standing there insisting that they do
it.
Bad citizens don't sacrifice their own pleasures or
happiness just because the government tells them such
sacrifices are in the common good. They don't volunteer
their services for anything the government is trying to do,
no matter how worthwhile the project appears to be. If the
politicians tell them there is an energy crisis, they don't
turn the heat down and the lights off if they can afford the
electricity.
Bad citizens enjoy the freedom of driving their own
personal cars instead of riding tax-subsidized mass transit
systems or subjecting their personal schedules to the demands
of car pooling. Bad citizens don't waste time sorting
garbage unless there is a direct economic benefit for doing
so. They don't man a voting booth, support the local
sheriff, waste time in town meetings, donate to political
parties, report poachers, nor contribute to the Community
Chest and United Fund. They recognize that a government that
steals freedom shouldn't get any voluntary help.
Of course, there is a chance that someone will show up
at your door pointing a gun to make you volunteer for some
civic duty like jury duty. When that happens, don't argue,
go. But a bad citizen won't do anything more than what is
absolutely necessary. On something like jury duty, it may
even be possible to help screw up the system even while
pretending to act like a good citizen.
It the person on trial is accused of tax evasion, drug
offenses, bootlegging, pornography, non-violent sex offenses,
a failure to obtain a business license, or any other crime
that shouldn't be a crime in a free society, a bad citizen
can always find some justification for voting not guilty,
even if every other member of the jury is convinced he's
guilty.
Such a bad citizen is exercising the right of jury
nulification, that is, the right to set a person free because
the juror thinks the law is not constitutional. But the bad
citizen won't admit that to the judge, the jury, nor the
press. Instead, he or she will insist that he or she was not
convinced by the prosecutor's evidence.
When the government confronts a bad citizen, the bad
citizen will insist that the government official respect
every right that the Constitution and the law gives every
citizen. The bad citizen makes sure he knows what rights the
law gives him, and then he demands they be respected. The
bad citizen will be polite, he will fight the urge to get
angry, he will never, ever, initiate violence against a
government official, but he will insist on his rights.
Unless he is presented with a warrant, he won't let a
government official into his house, he won't give permission
to any officer of the law to search any of his belongings,
and he won't answer any questions, even apparently innocent
questions without first checking with a lawyer.
Even in the United States with all the protections
against self-incrimination, most of the people in jails are
there because they talked too much.
When questioned by a government official, the smart
person in such a situation becomes the dumbest citizen in the
county. He hasn't been reading the newspapers, doesn't
listen to the radio, doesn't know a thing about what is going
on, but he loves the government, and loves doing his civic
duty, and he knows his rights.
If bad citizens are asked a direct question, they won't
lie, but they give as little information as possible. They
never gives any information that they are not required by law
to give. But the do it all courteously, never suggesting by
tone or attitude that they are being anything but totally
cooperative.
All you have to do is say, "I don't want to answer that
question." If the government official insists you answer
the question, then you say, "I want to speak to my lawyer
before I answer that question."
But most of the time, the bad citizen will never be
bothered by some government thug because he will learn how to
maximize his own happiness without having to have any
dealings with the politician or the bureaucrat.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------+
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The Immorality of the State
by Mikhail Bakunin [1814-1876]
Transcribed by The Dak
Holiday Inn, Cambodia BBS 209/456-8584
=======================================
The existence of a single limited State necessarily presupposed the
existence, and if necessary provokes the formation of several States, it
being quite natural that the individuals who find themselves outside of this
State and who are menaced by it in their existence and liberty, should in
turn league themselves against it. Here we have humanity broken up into an
indefinite number of States which are foreign, hostile, and menacing toward
one another.
There is no common right, and no social contract among them, for if such a
contract and right existed, the various States would cease to be absolutely
independent of one another, becoming federated members of one great State.
Unless this great State embraces humanity as a whole, it will necessarily
have against it the hostility of other great States, federated internally.
Thus war would always be supreme law and the inherent necessity of the very
existence of humanity.
Every State, whether it is of a federative or a non-federative character,
must seek, under the penalty of utter ruin, to become the most powerful of
States. It has to devour others in order not to be devoured in turn, to
conquer in order not to be conquered, to enslave in order not to be enslaved
- for two similar and at the same time alien powers, cannot co-exist without
destroying each other.
THE STATE THEN IS THE MOST FLAGRANT NEGATION, THE MOST CYNICAL AND
COMPLETE NEGATION OF HUMANITY. It rends apart the universal solidarity of
all men upon earth, and it unites some of them only in order to destroy,
conquer, and enslave all the rest. It takes under its protection only its
own citizens, and it recognizes human right, humanity, and civilization only
within the confines of its own boundries. And since it does not recognize
any right outside of its own confines, it quite logically arrogated to itself
the right to treat with the most ferocious inhumanity all the foreign
populations whom it can pillage, exterminate, or subordinate to its will.
Since international law does not exist, and since it never can exist in a
serious and real manner without undermining the very foundations of the
principle of absolute State sovereignty, the State cannot have any duties
toward foreign populations. If then it treats humanely a conquered people,
if it does not go to the full length in pillaging and exterminating it, and
does not reduce it to the last degree of slavery, it does so perhaps because
of considerations of political expediency and prudence, or even because of
pure magnanimity, but never because of duty - for it has an absolute right to
dispose of them in any way it deems fit.
This flagrant negation of humanity, which constitutes the very essence of
the State, is from the point of view of the latter the supreme duty and the
greatest virtue: it is called PATRIOTISM and it constitutes the TRANSCENDENT
MORALITY of the State. We call it the transcendent morality because
ordinarily it transcends the level of human morality and justice, whether
private or common, and thereby it often sets itself in shard contradiction to
them. Thus, for instance, to offend, oppress, rob, plunder, assassinate, or
enslave one's fellowman is, to the ordinary morality of man, to commit a
serious crime.
In public life, on the contrary, from the point of view of patriotism,
when it is done for the greater glory of the State in order to conserve or to
enlarge its power, all that becomes a duty and a virtue. And this duty, this
virtue, are obligatory upon every patriotic citizen. Everyone is expected to
discharge those duties not only in respect to strangers but in respect to his
fellow-citizens, members and subjects of the same State, whenever the welfare
of the State demands it from him.
The supreme law of the State is self-preservation at any cost. And since
all States, ever since they came to exist upon the earth, have been condemned
to perpetual struggle - a struggle against their own populations, whom they
oppress and ruin, a struggle against all foreign States, every one of which
can be strong only if the others are weak - and since the States cannot hold
their own in this struggle unless they constantly keep on augmenting their
power against their own subjects as well as against the neighborhood States -
- it follows that the supreme law of the State is the augmentation of its
power to the detriment of internal liberty and external justice.
Such is in its stark reality the sole morality, the sole aim of the State.
It worships God himself only because he is its own exclusive God, the
sanction of its power and of that which it calls its right, that is, the
right to exist at any cost and always to expand at the cost of other States.
Whatever serves to promote this end is worthwhile, legitimate, and virtuous.
Whatever harms it is criminal. The morality of the State then is the
reversal of human justice and human morality.
The State has to recognize in its own hypocritical manner the powerful
sentiment of humanity. In the face of this fainful alternative there remains
only one way out: and that it hypocrisy. The States pay their outward
respects to this idea of humanity; they speak and apparently act only in the
name of it, but they violate it every day. This, however, should not be held
against the States. They cannot act otherwise, their position having become
such that they can hold their own only by lying. Diplomacy has no other
mission.
Therefore what do we see? Every time a State wants to declare war upon
another State, it starts off by launching a manifesto addressed not only to
its own subjects but to the whole world. In this manifesto it declares that
right and justice are on its side, and it endeavors to prove that it is
actuated only by love of peace and humanity and that, imbued with generous
and peaceful sentiments, it suffered for a long time in silence until the
mounting iniquity of its enemy forced it to bare its sword. At the same time
it vows that, disdainful of all material conquest and not seeking any
increase in territory, it will put and end to this war as soon as justice is
reestablished. And its antagonist answers with a similar manifesto, in which
naturally right, justice, humanity, and all the generous sentiments are to be
found respectively on its side.
Those mutually opposed manifestos are written with the same eloquence,
they breathe the same virtuous indignation, and one is just as sincere as the
other; that is to say both of them are equally brazen in their lies, and it
is only fools who are deceived by them. Sensible persons, all those who have
had some political experience, do not even take the trouble of reading such
manifestoes. On the contrary, they seek ways to uncover the interests
driving both adversaries into this war, and to weigh the respective power of
each of them in order to guess the outcome of the struggle. Which only goes
to prove that moral issues are not at stake in such wars.
Perpetual war is the price of the State's existence. The rights of
peoples, as well as the treaties regulating the relations of the States, lack
any moral sanction. In every definite historic epoch they are the material
expression of the equilibrium resulting from the mutual antagonism of States.
So long as States exist, there will be no peace. There will be only more or
less prolonged respites, armistices concluded by the perpetually belligerent
States; but as soon as the State feels sufficiently strong to destroy this
equilibrium to its advantage, it will never fail to do so. The history of
humanity fully bears out this point.
Crimes are the moral climate of the States. This explains to us why ever
since history began, that is, ever since States came inmto existence, the
political world has always been and still continues to be the stage for high
knavery and unsurpassed brigandage - brigandage and knavery which are held in
high honor, since they are ordained by patriotism, transcendent morality, and
by the supreme interest of the State. This explains to us why all the
history of ancient and modern States is nothing more than a series of
revolting crimes; why present and past kings and ministers of all times and
of all countries - statesmen, diplomats, bureaucrats, and warriors - if
judged from the point of view of simple morality and human justice, deserve a
thousand times the gallows of penal servitude.
For there is no terror, cruelty, sacrilege, perjury, imposture, infamous
transaction, cynical theft, brazen robbery or foul treason which has not been
committed and all are still being committed daily by representatives of the
State, with no other excuse than this elastic, at times so convenient and
terrible phrase REASON OF STATE.

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anne.balsamo@lcc.gatech.edu
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@@ -0,0 +1,526 @@
Banned Computer Material 1992
Inspired by Banned Book Week '92, this is a list of computer material
that was banned or challenged in academia in 1992. Iowa State
University has the dubious distinction of being listed most often
(three times).
The list proper starts after a list of the academic institutions where
bans or challenges have occurred. The list proper is followed by
instructions on how to get more information about specific incidents
and then by instructions on how to get general information about
computers and academic freedom.
Please send reports, corrections, and updates to either
caf-talk@eff.org (a public mailing list) or kadie@eff.org (private).
-- Carl Kadie, kadie@eff.org,
co-editor Computer and Academic Freedom News
Disclaimer: I do not represent EFF; this is just me.
version: 1.09
============= Academic Institutions ==================
USA
Ball State University
Boston University (i)
Carnegie Mellon University
Iowa State University (i)
North Dakota State University
Princeton
University of California at Berkeley (site of an unsuccessful challenge)
University of Massachusetts at Boston
University of Nebraska at Lincoln
University of Wyoming
Virginia Public Education Network
Virginia Tech
Williams College (the college not directly involved)
Canada
Canadian universities
Simon Fraser University
University of British Columbia
University of Manitoba
University of Toronto (site of an unsuccessful challenge)
University of Ottawa
Wilfrid Laurier University (i)
Wilfrid Laurier University (ii)
Europe
Irish universities
German universities
Middle East Technical University in Turkey
United Kingdom Net
Updates
Iowa State University (ii)
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign (ban ended)
Continuing
Boston University (ii)
Iowa State University (iii)
James Madison University
Pennsylvania State University
University of Newcastle
University of Texas
University of Toledo
Western Washington University (& University of Washington)
=============== List of Banned Computer Materials ==============
+ USA:
Computer code at *Ball State University* to crack passwords
... even if it is never run. During a system-wide search, an
administrator found the computer code. The user says "[i]t really
bothers me that I'm going to get in a lot of trouble (probably
anyway) just for the mere possession of a program."
REFERENCE:
news/cafv02n11:<9202161945.AA24863@bsu-cs.bsu.edu>
Lyrics to Ice-T's Cop Killer in a .plan file at *Boston University*
"Two people have complained to my department's chair... .He asked me
informally to remove it. I told him I would not do so voluntarily."
REFERENCE:
news/cafv02n35:<JBW.92Jul16195814@bigbird.bu.edu>
Articles in an open bulletin board at *Carnegie Mellon University* if
they offend
The University threatened to investigate the author on charges of
sexual harassment unless he stopped writing.
news/cafv02n11:<46750.298C2BB3@psycho.fidonet.org>
news/cafv02n08:<1992Jan28.223429.20426@eff.org>
Material from the rec.arts.erotica newsgroup at *Iowa State University*
To protest the University's ban of this newsgroup, a student
reposted some of the articles to newsgroup isu.newsgroups. He was
summarily expelled from the University computers. Later his
account was restored. The incident made the front page of the
student newspaper.
news/cafv02n30:<1992May6.033143.16713@eff.org>
news/cafv02n30:<1992May8.064304.8364@news.iastate.edu>
All "offensive" material at *North Dakota State University*
Banned by the Policy on Misuse of Computer Facilities
news/cafv02n20:<1992Apr27.214917.13402@eff.org>
Any electronic posting at *Princeton* that demeans a person because of
his or her beliefs
banned by Princeton's Guidelines for the use of Campus and
Network Computing Resources and the more general Rights, Rules,
Responsibilities Policy.
news/cafv02n20:<199204292110.AA23705@eff.org>
news/cafv02n20:<1992Apr29.213206.24214@eff.org>
Anti-Semitic material available at the *University of California at
Berkeley* via the Internet
... challenged by a student, but the University and the
Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith said that censorship would be
inappropriate.
news/cafv02n07:<kpgo3cINNvq@news.bbn.com>
All .plan files at the *University of Massachusetts at Boston* that would
not be given a PG-13 rating
news/cafv02n39:<BETSYS.92Aug3155829@ra.cs.umb.edu>
All the alternative newsgroups (even alt.censorship) at the
*University of Nebraska at Lincoln*
... because someone might find some of the articles in some of the
newsgroups "objectionable". On April 6th the UNL Academic Senate
Executive Committee voted to request restoration of the majority of
the alt.* groups, but none have been restored.
news/cafv02n22:<1992Mar26.214421.26447@sparky.imd.sterling.com>
news/cafv02n22:<9203212232.AA24018@cse.unl.edu>
news/cafv02n23:<1992Apr1.192701.28737@eff.org>
news/cafv02n23:<9205040334.AA04565@cse.unl.edu>
news/cafv02n23:<fwd.9204201540.AA12109@herodotus.cs.uiuc.edu>
news/cafv02n30:<1992May5.005813.281@eff.org>
Computer code at the *University of Wyoming* for Internet Relay Chat
A student was told that if university searches turned up IRC code in
his possession, he "would be disusered without hope for reinstatement."
news/cafv02n08:
<3803321809011992_A11466_POSSE_11614C9F3200@mrgate.uwyo.edu>
Any network use on *Virginia Public Education Network* that violates
"generally accepted social standards"
Such use is defined as "obscene" and is banned by PEN's Acceptable
Use Policy.
policies/virginia.pen.edu
policies/virginia.pen.edu.critique
Any "unwarranted annoyance" or "unsolicited email" at *Virginia Tech*
... banned by the Information System's Appropriate Use Policy.
The policy is currently being revised.
news/cafv02n20:<1992Apr27.214917.13402@eff.org>
The phrase "George Bush and his people need a bullet in the head" posted
to the Net from *Williams College*
The posting led to a U.S. Secret Service and grand jury investigation.
news/cafv02n29:<1992Jun11.001601.29258@morrow.stanford.edu>
+ Canada:
alt.sex.bondage and other "pornographic writing" anywhere in *Canada*.
... challenged in a CBC Radio show reporting that some police
consider these legally obscene, and would like to suppress them
if possible. (The police haven't acted, but their statements may
have caused some sites to ban material.)
news/cafv02n30:<telecom12.427.9@eecs.nwu.edu>
All Netnews discussions of sex at *Simon Fraser University*
The _Globe and Mail_ quotes the director of academic computing
services: "It's the same as if somebody wants Playboy or
Penthouse. We don't have them in the university library." In
fact, SFU has _Playboy_ in its library.
news/cafv02n38:<1992Jul21.164722.252@jarvis.csri.toronto.edu>
news/cafv02n37:<philip.12@SMU.StMarys.CA>
All "vulgar", "reprehensible", "pornographic", or "poison[ous]"
material that might be accessed from, created on, or stored on
*University of British Columbia* computing equipment starting with
newsgroups alt.sex and rec.arts.erotica
... banned by order of the president of the University
news/cafv02n39:<DALTON.92Jul31231305@oligo.Geop.UBC.CA>
All Netnews discussions of sex at the *University of Manitoba*
... banned the day after a critical article in the Winnipeg Free Press
news/cafv02n21:<1992May10.093635.27536@ccu.umanitoba.ca>
news/cafv02n38:<1992Jul21.164722.252@jarvis.csri.toronto.edu>
news/cafv02n37:<philip.12@SMU.StMarys.CA>
news/cafv02n26:<1992May28.010057.18609@cs.sfu.ca>
news/cafv02n30:<1992May31.080939.25516@clarinet.com>
All on-line material related to sex at *University of Toronto*
... challenged in a broadcast by CITY-TV (an independent Toronto
television station) that suggested the U. of Toronto should deal
with the "problem" like U. of Manitoba did, that is, by banning the
material. The U. of Toronto resisted the challenge and refused to
censor the material.
news/cafv02n34:<1992Jul7.150830.27316@ccu.umanitoba.ca>
policies/utoronto.ca
news/cafv02n37:<philip.12@SMU.StMarys.CA>
news/cafv02n33:<1992Jun16.045026.15800@gpu.utcs.utoronto.ca>
The alt.sex* newsgroups at the *University of Ottawa*
cases/wlu.ca
All "profane" computer file names at *Wilfrid Laurier University*
news/cafv02n40:<1992Aug13.182157.5688@m.cs.uiuc.edu>
The alt.sex* newsgroups at *Wilfrid Laurier University*
... because the administration thinks they are "offensive" and "puerile".
cases/wlu.ca
+ Europe:
Newsgroups at *many German universities* that discuss sex, including
discussion of recovery from sexual abuse
... banned in response to an article in the German paper "EMMA" .
news/cafv02n23:<199204201927.AA07124@eff.org>
Netnews discussion in *Ireland* of abortion
news/cafv02n11:<1992Feb24.222848.12187@maths.tcd.ie>
Netnews discussion via Switzerland's SWITCH of gay rights, of drugs
and drug policy, and of sex and recovery from sexual abuse. Also,
United Press International articles related to terrorism or sex
SWITCH is an academic network consortium. The official rational is
that this information *might* be illegal under Swiss law.
news/cafv02n22:<1992Mar2.135005.14877@neptune.inf.ethz.ch>
news/cafv02n11:<1992Feb20.180752@sic.epfl.ch>
news/cafv02n13:<16825.9203091724@pyr.swan.ac.uk>
All on-line political or religions "activism" at *Middle East
Technical University in Turkey*
news/cafv02n21:<1992May4.223243.28741@eff.org>
Newsgroups alt.sex*, alt.drugs, alt.evil, alt.tasteless and
rec.arts.erotica on *United Kingdom Net*
UKNet is commercial network that connects most academic institutions in
the United Kingdom. They say that they fear UK law.
news/cafv02n33:<1992Jun08.165434.4998@bas-a.bcc.ac.uk>
news/cafv02n30:<1992May19.093311.105@rdg.dec.com>
+ Updates:
Most on-line discussion of sex at *Iowa State University*
Iowa State University restricts access to these newsgroups. The
rational for the restriction is Iowa's Obscenity law. That law,
however, explicitly exempts universities. Since the original
restrictions were started rec.arts.erotica has been added to the
restricted list, while discussion of drugs and drug policy were
removed.
news/cafv02n11:<1992Feb23.201324.12799@m.cs.uiuc.edu>
news/cafv02n11:<3198@ecicrl.ocunix.on.ca>
news/cafv02n08:<1992Jan24.160039.20161@news.iastate.edu>
news/cafv02n30:<1992May11.132630.23905@news.iastate.edu>
Email send to or from the National Center for Supercomputer
Applications (NCSA) that verbally attacks the Center or the
*University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign*
No longer grounds for a computer file search
case/ncsa.email
news/cafv02n33:<1992Jun2.011050.15719@m.cs.uiuc.edu>
+ No Changes Reported:
Any computer files at *Boston University* that anyone else finds
offensive or annoying
The rules at Boston University prohibit a computer user from "making
accessible offensive [or] annoying ... material".
news/cafv01n10
All rude articles at *Iowa State University*
On-line rudeness is prohibited by Iowa State computer policy. A
student was reprimanded for posting a rude article to the net.
news/cafv01n38
news/cafv02n23:<1992Apr2.174625.23219@eff.org>
All email containing "offensive" material at *James Madison University*
news/cafv01n39
The alt.sex.* hierarchy on PSUVM, the main general purpose computer at
*Pennsylvania State University*
news/cafv01n34
All offensive messages at *University of Newcastle*
news/cafv01n39
All email or Netnews articles that "bring discredit" to the *University
of Texas* or its Computer Science Department"
news/cafv01n37
The alt.sex newsgroup at the *University of Toledo*
batch/oct_06_1991
More than a dozen newsgroups, including alt.sex, at *Western Washington
University*
They were removed from Western Washington University on the order of
one person, the Vice Provost for "information and communication".
Alt.sex remains at the *University of Washington*, but other
newsgroups were removed right before a negative article was printed
in the Seattle _Post Intelligencer_.
news/cafv01n33
news/cafv01n36
news/cafv01n35
news/cafv01n41
========= How to get more information about an incident =========
Following each item in the list above is one or more references.
For example:
news/cafv02n11:<9202161945.AA24863@bsu-cs.bsu.edu>
news/cafv01n10
policies/virginia.pen.edu
cases/wlu.ca
batch/oct_06_1991
In the first example, "news/cafv02n11" is the name of a file and
"<9202161945.AA24863@bsu-cs.bsu.edu>" is a message-id within the file.
The other example references consist of just file names. If a
reference includes a message-id, retrieved the named file first, then
edit it and do a text search for that message-id.
The files are available by anonymous ftp (the preferred method) and by
email. To get the files via ftp, do an anonymous ftp to ftp.eff.org
(192.88.144.4), and "get" the files.
For example:
get pub/academic/news/cafv02n11
get pub/academic/news/cafv01n10
get pub/academic/policies/virginia.pen.edu
get pub/academic/cases/wlu.ca
get pub/academic/batch/oct_06_1991
To get the files by email, send email to archive-server@eff.org.
For the files in the example, the email should contain the lines:
send acad-freedom/news cafv02n11
send acad-freedom/news cafv01n10
send acad-freedom/policies virginia.pen.edu
send acad-freedom/cases wlu.ca
send acad-freedom/batch oct_06_1991
========== Other Information of Possible Interest ===========
All these documents are available on-line. Access information follows.
=================
caf
=================
A description to the comp-academic-freedom-talk mailing list. It is a
free-forum for the discussion of questions such as: How should general
principles of academic freedom (such as freedom of expression, freedom
to read, due process, and privacy) be applied to university computers
and networks? How are these principles actually being applied? How can
the principles of academic freedom as applied to computers and
networks be defended?
=================
banned.1991
=================
A list of computer material that was banned at universities during (or
before) 1991. It summarizes incidents and policies at Ohio State U.,
the U. of Illinois (two campuses), Case Western U., Boston U., U. of
Waterloo, U. of Toledo, Western Washington U., Iowa State U.,
Pennsylvania State U., U. of Texas, U. of Newcastle, James Madison U.,
U. of Wisconsin, and others.
=================
statements/caf-statement
=================
This is an attempt to codify the application of academic freedom to
academic computers. It reflects our seven months of on-line discussion
about computers and academic freedom. It covers free expression, due
process, privacy, and user participation.
Comments and suggestions are very welcome (especially when posted to
CAF-talk). All the documents referenced are available on-line.
(Critiqued).
=================
statements/caf-statement.critique
=================
This is a critique of an attempt to codify the application of academic
freedom to academic computers. It reflects our seven months of on-line
discussion about computers and academic freedom. It covers free
expression, due process, privacy, and user participation.
Additional comments and suggestions are very welcome (especially when
posted to CAF-talk). All the documents referenced are available
on-line.
=================
faq/netnews.reading
=================
q: Should my university remove (or restrict) Netnews newsgroups
because some people find them offensive? If it doesn't have the
resources to carry all newsgroups, how should newsgroups be selected?
=================
faq/netnews.writing
=================
q: Should my university allow students to post to Netnews?
=================
faq/netnews.liability
=================
q: Does a University reduce its likely liability by screening Netnews
for offensive articles and newsgroups?
=================
faq/censorship-and-harassment
=================
q: Must/should universities ban material that some find offensive
(from Netnews facilities, email, libraries, and student publications,
etc) in order to comply with antiharassment laws?
=================
faq/media.control
=================
q: Since freedom of the press belongs to those who own presses, a
public university can do anything it wants with the media that it
owns, right?
=================
faq/policy
=================
q: What guidance is there for creating or evaluating a computer policy?
=================
library/bill-of-rights.ala
=================
The Library Bill of Rights from the American Library Association.
=================
library/diversity.ala
=================
"Diversity in Collection Development"
An interpretation by the American Library Association of the "Library
Bill of Rights"
It says that collections should be inclusive, not exclusive. And that
materials should cover the needs and interest of all patrons. "This
includes materials that reflect political, economic, religious,
social, minority, and sexual issues."
=================
academic/speech-codes.aaup
=================
On Freedom of Expression and Campus Speech Codes Expression - An
official statement of the American Association of University
Professors (AAUP)
It says in part: "On a campus that is free and open, no idea can be
banned or forbidden. No viewpoint or message may be deemed so hateful
or disturbing that it may not be expressed."
=================
academic/student.freedoms.aaup
=================
Joint Statement on Rights and Freedoms of Students -- This is the main
U.S. statement on student academic freedom.
=================
law/uwm-post-v-u-of-wisconsin
=================
The full text of UWM POST v. U. of Wisconsin. This recent district
court ruling goes into detail about the difference between protected
offensive expression and illegal harassment. It even mentions email.
It concludes: "The founding fathers of this nation produced a
remarkable document in the Constitution but it was ratified only with
the promise of the Bill of Rights. The First Amendment is central to
our concept of freedom. The God-given "unalienable rights" that the
infant nation rallied to in the Declaration of Independence can be
preserved only if their application is rigorously analyzed.
The problems of bigotry and discrimination sought to be addressed here
are real and truly corrosive of the educational environment. But
freedom of speech is almost absolute in our land and the only
restriction the fighting words doctrine can abide is that based on the
fear of violent reaction. Content-based prohibitions such as that in
the UW Rule, however well intended, simply cannot survive the
screening which our Constitution demands."
=================
=================
These document(s) are available by anonymous ftp (the preferred
method) and by email. To get the file(s) via ftp, do an anonymous ftp
to ftp.eff.org (192.88.144.4), and get file(s):
pub/academic/caf
pub/academic/banned.1991
pub/academic/statements/caf-statement
pub/academic/statements/caf-statement.critique
pub/academic/faq/netnews.reading
pub/academic/faq/netnews.writing
pub/academic/faq/netnews.liability
pub/academic/faq/censorship-and-harassment
pub/academic/faq/media.control
pub/academic/faq/policy
pub/academic/library/bill-of-rights.ala
pub/academic/library/diversity.ala
pub/academic/academic/speech-codes.aaup
pub/academic/academic/student.freedoms.aaup
pub/academic/law/uwm-post-v-u-of-wisconsin
To get the file(s) by email, send email to archive-server@eff.org.
Include the line(s) (be sure to include the space before the file
name):
send acad-freedom caf
send acad-freedom banned.1991
send acad-freedom/statements caf-statement
send acad-freedom/statements caf-statement.critique
send acad-freedom/faq netnews.reading
send acad-freedom/faq netnews.writing
send acad-freedom/faq netnews.liability
send acad-freedom/faq censorship-and-harassment
send acad-freedom/faq media.control
send acad-freedom/faq policy
send acad-freedom/library bill-of-rights.ala
send acad-freedom/library diversity.ala
send acad-freedom/academic speech-codes.aaup
send acad-freedom/academic student.freedoms.aaup
send acad-freedom/law uwm-post-v-u-of-wisconsin

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@@ -0,0 +1,159 @@
From _American Firearms Industry_, September 1993
BATF and the Night of Terror
by Bob Lesmeister
Bold face: "What are you doing in my house? Get out of my house!"
This is what Janice Hart screamed as she witnessed agents of the Bureau
of Alcohol, Tobacco, & Firearms (BATF) literally tearing her home apart.
What had Janice Hart done to have her house destroyed? NOTHING. BATF had the
wrong house and the wrong suspect. In what has become the rule instead of
the exception, BATF agents blatantly and knowingly violated Hart's 1st, 2nd,
3rd, 4th, 5th, 6th Amendment rights. In addition, agents once again
forcefully abused children in the "pursuit of their duties."
As related by Margie Boule in the Washington OREGONIAN, in the evening of
February 5th Janet [sic] Hart had just returned home to her house outside of
Portland, Oregon, from the grocery store with her two young daughters when
she noticed law enforcement agents swarming in and out of her home. Little
did she realize that they had literally torn the inside of her house apart
in the search for guns that didn't exist. When she stormed up to the side
door (it had been torn off its hinges and then nailed back on) demanding an
answer a BATF agent yanked her inside telling her she was going to jail. In
typical BATF fashion, Hart was not informed of the charges against her, she
was not read her rights, nor was she allowed to see after her children.
The children were terrified. Both daughters heard the BATF agent say Mrs.
Hart was headed for jail and they became horrified. As Hart's daughter told
THE OREGONIAN, "I was crying. They (BATF agents) say, 'Shut up and get back
in the car.' So, I put up my knee like to get out, and he shut the door on
my knee." BATF may call this act of child abuse an "accident" or something
that happened in "the heat of confrontation" but the truth is, agents have
been engaging in this sort of behavior since the inception of the BATF as a
bureau. The most blatant case being the storming of the Branch Davidian
compound with automatic weapons, knowing full well that children would be
caught in the crossfire. Another incident was the case of Del and Melisa
Knudson. During a raid on the Knudson home (no illegal firearms were found),
Mrs. Knudson was handcuffed and forced to leave her 21-month old daughter
unattended in a bathtub. Luckily, the baby didn't drown. Evidently, the
agents were not concerned with the baby's welfare nor that of the parents.
As the daughters were being held outside the home, Hart was forced
inside. In what must have seemed like a scene from a Gestapo raid in Nazi
Germany, Janice Hart witnessed the destruction of her personal property by
the "secret police." As she related to THE OREGONIAN, "I'm screaming, 'Oh my
God, what are you doing to my house?' They told me to shut up. They said I
could talk later. And they kept saying, 'You're going to prison, Janice.'
The whole house was totally destroyed."
BATF agents in the kitchen were throwing plates and dishes on the floor.
In the bedroom agents were ripping clothes off hangers and dumping them on
the floor. Dresser drawers were overturned and strewn all about. Hart's life
was terrorized, her children were abused, her house destroyed, and her
personal belongings ravaged. During the Gestapo-style raid, while Mrs. Hart
was in custody, BATF agents did not bother to insure that Hart was indeed
the subject of their warrant. They simply didn't bother to check. And what's
worse, when it was obvious the had the wrong person, they continued to
terrorize Hart and her family.
In a complete violation of Hart's civil and constitutional rights, BATF
agents herded her into the basement of the house and interrogated her. Like
a scene from some cheap detective move, agents gave her the "third degree."
"There's about eight of them down there," she told the OREGONIAN, "and
they're asking my over and over my name, my Social Security number, my
birthdate. On and on, over and over. And I'm saying, 'What did I do?'"
Hart was forced to answer questions for over an hour before she was read
her rights and then agents refused to allow her to call an attorney, both
serious violations of Hart's Constitutional rights knowingly violated by
BATF. George Kim, main investigator, should have known better. The person
cited in the warrant was Janice Marie Harrell, who had used "Hart" as an
alias, but that's where the similarity ends. The Janice the BATF was in
search of had a scar on her face. Janice Hart did not. Harrell was a street
woman, while Hart was a working-class homeowner with two children. Hart's
eyes were a different color than Harrell's, her hair was different and she
was heavier than the real suspect. There was nothing in Hart's background or
physical appearance that matched Janice Marie Harrell.
"They pulled up my sleeves, looking for scars," said Hart. Of course,
they weren't there. "I say, 'How do I remove scars? Scars don't disappear.'
That's when he (Kim) started getting this expression on his face like 'I
think I messed up.' But of course, they don't admit that to you."
So, when it's obvious that Agent Kim and his bumbling agents have the
wrong person, do they release Hart? No, they arrest her. They read Hart her
rights and take her to the Portland slammer. It was at the Portland police
station when things finally turned around. The Portland police, professional
and conscientious, treated Hart as a person, without intimidation and
threats. Immediately upon being fingerprinted, they released her because it
was obvious that Kim and his Keystone Cops had arrested the wrong person. It
took Portland police 30 seconds to recognize that Janice Hart was not Janice
Harrell and they released her, while Kim and his agents were standing nearby
scratching their heads.
OREGONIAN reporter, Margie Boule recounted Hart's story for local
Portland BATF resident agent in charge, Pete McLouth and he basically said
that his agents did indeed pick up the wrong person. He couldn't deny it
because Harrell was picked up shortly after the terrorist raid on Hart's
home. That's about all he said, however, because McLouth took the standard
BATF line of "I can't talk about it because it's an ongoing investigation."
The search warrants used by the BATF in the Hart case were much like the
ones used in the Branch Davidian case. Someone, with hearsay knowledge,
tipped BATF off. There was no evidence that Janice Hart was Janice Harrell
and absolutely no evidence or even the slightest indication that Hart was
illegally dealing firearms.
The raid was conducted simply because of one person's gossip. Even though
Janice Hart no longer faces criminal charges, she is still feeling the
harassment of BATF. She now suffers both sleep and eating disorders. She and
her older daughter visit a psychiatrist to deal with the stress and her
4-year-old daughter has had related problems in school. Added to that,
Hart's neighbors are no longer the friendly sort. To them, Hart is still a
criminal subject of a police raid.
What is evident once again from this raid is the fact that BATF agents
did not feel that violent behavior, destruction of property, violation of
rights and child abuse would be challenged. It shows once again that silence
from the top, read that to mean BATF Director Stephen Higgins' office, is
taken as a green light to commit atrocities in the name of the law. Director
Higgins is well aware that violations are being committed on a daily basis
by his agents, yet he has done nothing and continues to do nothing about it.
He once again has proved himself to be an eneffectual and incompetent law
enforcement officer. Over the past year it has been shown that sexual
harrassment and intimidation even within the ranks of the BATF has gone
unabated and violent terrorist raids on innocent citizens continue at an
alarming rate. This continues because the Director allows it. One word or
one directive from Higgins could prevent future Constitutional and civil
rights violations by BATF agents, but so far, he denies there is a problem.
Unless citizens get involved and pressure the White House to appoint a
professional person with integrity and respect for the Bill of Rights to
head BATF, the abuses will continue.
Tom Cloyd, writing an editorial to THE OREGONIAN in response to the raid,
sums it up best. "But the horror and violence go even beyond this, for child
abuse was apparently involved in this case. Three children, ages 12, 9 and 4
were in the car when Hart arrived home to find it being trashed by federal
agents. The children had to watch this act of incomprehensible violence and
the 12-year-old was physically abused when and agent closed a door on her
leg to keep her from getting out of the car. I hope others will join with me
in demanding that federal law enforcement agents of all sorts be briefed on
the Bill of Rights, be held accountable to the public for their actions and
be prosecuted when they take our society's legitimate and law-driven pursuit
of justice into their own hands."
Unfortunately, it seems that Director Higgins is unconcerned with the
Bill of Rights as he permits his agents to violate the law time and again
without censure or reprimand. I try hard not to draw parallels to the
Gestapo of the 1930's and 40's and Stalin's ruthless NKVD, but breaking down
of doors, the destruction of property, illegal interrogations etc. of
innocent people by BATF are so close to "secret police" tactics that they
could be right out of the KGB manual. Russia's first secret police was
formed by Ivan the Terrible in 1565 and they were every bit as cruel as
their descendants in the Cheka and the KGB. French biographer and historian
Henri Troyat describes some of Ivan's secret police tactics: "Husbands were
tortured in front of wives, mothers in front of children." I'm sure
12-year-old Nina Hart and 4-year-old Randi Hart know the feeling.

View File

@@ -0,0 +1,46 @@
Reprinted from: Compuserve's Online Today
FEDERAL PRIVACY SUIT AGAINST BBS OPERATOR (March 26)
An electronic bulletin board system user has filed a $112,000 lawsuit
against a BBS and its system operator claiming that the sysop did not properly
safeguard private electronic mail. The lawsuit could prove to be a landmark
since a court ruling would be the first one handed down under the federal
Electronic Communications Privacy Act of 1986. The ECPA mandates privacy
protection of electronic communications, including the electronic mail found
on commercial services and bulletin board systems.
Linda Thompson filed a pro se complaint in the US District Court for the
Southern District of Indiana. The civil action alleges that Bob Predaina,
doing business as the Professional's Choice Bulletin Board, violated federal
or Indiana state law on 10 counts.
According to the complaint obtained by Online Today, during December of 1987,
Predaina allowed others to access and view the contents of all electronic
communications in a private message portion of the subscription BBS.
Previously deleted private messages were also restored so that others could
read them. Apparently, Thompson`s private e-mail was among the messages made
available to others.
Again, in January, 1988, the sysop "intentionally or recklessly intercepted
and restored to the public portion of the board," a private message of
Thompson's that she had previously deleted. In subsequent action, the sysop
denied Thompson access to the board even though she had paid one year
subscription to the BBS. When Thompson requested that the sysop refrain from
actions that "were contrary to the law," Predaina refused.
The last two counts of the complaint could be the most damaging and state
that on January 6, the sysop "intentionally, maliciously or with reckless
disregard for the truth, made statements which on their face are damaging to
the professional and personal reputation of [Thompson] in public and to another
person, subjecting the Petitioner to humiliation, personal anguish and
ridicule." In the suit, Predaina is charged with making similar statements in
the form of publicly posted BBS messages.
Predaina did not respond to phone calls from Online Today for a reaction to
the lawsuit. However, callers to Predaina's BBS are greeted with a public
apology to Thompson.
"Generally sysops are good at policing themselves and their boards," Thompson
told Online Today. "The reason for the lawsuit was that there apparently was
going to be no resolution between [Predaina and myself]. I think that if you
have a board that has a facility for private mail, you have a right to expect
that private mail stays private and is not spread all over."
--James Moran

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@@ -0,0 +1,28 @@
This file contains a short article on the impact one Bulletin Board
system (BBS) can have in the local enviroment. Be sure to read if you
are a SYSOP or travel the bulletin boards.
THE IMPACT BULLETIN BOARD SYSTEMS AND LOCAL INFORMATION EXCHANGE
SYSTEMS CAN HAVE ON THE POLITICAL PROCESS.
The following message was left by Fred McCamic on the RECYCLENET Bulletin
board in New Jersey, Jan 85.
Do you wonder what difference a computer bulletin board could make? Beg,
borrow or steal the March 1985 issue of "Whole Earth Review", turn to
page 89, and read "The Neighborhood ROM": Computer Aided Local Politics".
It's an interview of Dave Hughes, a retired U.S. Army Colonel who runs a
bulletin board in Colorado Springs.
Two years ago, it seems, Hughes spotted a small legal notice regarding
an ordinance that would have regulated working at home. He attended the
planning commission meeting, and was alone in speaking against the ordinance.
The commission agreed to table the ordinance for 30 days, during which time
he posted the text on his BBS, and wrote just two letters to editors
suggesting that people could dial his BBS. In the next 10 days, over 250
people called the board.
Some 175 aroused citizens attended the next city council meeting. At least
one person submitted revised ordinance text to the BBS. The planning board
made four successive revisions of the ordinance; each one was posted on the
BBS. When the final version came up for a vote, no one had anything to say
-it had already been said on the BBS.
ed on the
BBS. When the final version came up for a vote, no one had anything to say
-it had already been

View File

@@ -0,0 +1,157 @@
|
| From: MIKE SWARTZBECK Refer#: NONE
| To: ALL Recvd: NO
| Subj: Rodney King beaten AGAIN! Conf: (160) ANEWS
| from Computer Underground Digest, 12.03.92:
| Date: 02 Dec 92 11:49:08 EST
| From: David Lehrer <71756.2116@COMPUSERVE.COM>
| Subject: File 8--Akron BBS trial update!
|
| Akron BBS trial update: Dangerous precedents in sysop prosecution
|
| You may already know about the BBS 'sting' six months ago in Munroe
| Falls, OH for "disseminating matter harmful to juveniles." Those
| charges were dropped for lack of evidence. Now a trial date of 1/4/93
| has been set after new felony charges were filed, although the
| pretrial hearing revealed no proof that *any* illegal content ever
| went out over the BBS, nor was *any* found on it.
|
| For those unfamiliar with the case, here's a brief summary to date.
| In May 1992 someone told Munroe Falls police they *thought* minors
| could have been getting access to adult materials over the AKRON
| ANOMALY BBS. Police began a 2-month investigation. They found a small
| number of adult files in the non-adult area.
|
| The sysop says he made a clerical error, causing those files to be
| overlooked. Normally adult files were moved to a limited-access area
| with proof of age required (i.e. photostat of a drivers license).
|
| Police had no proof that any minor had actually accessed those files
| so police logged onto the BBS using a fictitious account, started a
| download, and borrowed a 15-year old boy just long enough to press the
| return key. The boy had no knowledge of what was going on.
|
| Police then obtained a search warrant and seized Lehrer's BBS system.
| Eleven days later police arrested and charged sysop Mark Lehrer with
| "disseminating matter harmful to juveniles," a misdemeanor usually
| used on bookstore owners who sell the wrong book to a minor. However,
| since the case involved a computer, police added a *felony* charge of
| "possession of criminal tools" (i.e. "one computer system").
|
| Note that "criminal tool" statutes were originally intended for
| specialized tools such as burglar's tools or hacking paraphenalia used
| by criminal 'specialists'. The word "tool" implies deliberate use to
| commit a crime, whereas the evidence shows (at most) an oversight.
| This raises the Constitutional issue of equal protection under the law
| (14'th Amendment). Why should a computer hobbyist be charged with a
| felony when anyone else would be charged with a misdemeanor?
|
| At the pretrial hearing, the judge warned the prosecutor that they'd
| need "a lot more evidence than this" to convict. However the judge
| allowed the case to be referred to a Summit County grand jury, though
| there was no proof the sysop had actually "disseminated", or even
| intended to disseminate any adult material "recklessly, with knowledge
| of its character or content", as the statute requires. Indeed, the
| sysop had a long history of *removing* such content from the non-adult
| area whenever he became aware of it. This came out at the hearing.
|
| The prosecution then went on a fishing expedition. According to the
| Cleveland Plain Dealer (7/21/92)
|
| "[Police chief] Stahl said computer experts with the Ohio Bureau
| of Criminal Identification and Investigation are reviewing the
| hundreds of computer files seized from Lehrer's home. Stahl said it's
| possible that some of the games and movies are being accessed in
| violation of copyright laws."
|
| Obviously the police believe they have carte blanche to search
| unrelated personal files, simply by lumping all the floppies and files
| in with the computer as a "criminal tool." That raises Constitutional
| issues of whether the search and seizure was legal. That's a
| precedent which, if not challenged, has far-reaching implications for
| *every* computer owner.
|
| Also, BBS access was *not* sold for money, as the Cleveland Plain
| Dealer reports. The BBS wasn't a business, but rather a free community
| service, running on Lehrer's own computer, although extra time on the
| system could be had for a donation to help offset some of the
| operating costs. 98% of data on the BBS consists of shareware
| programs, utilities, E-mail, etc.
|
| The police chief also stated:
|
| "I'm not saying it's obscene because I'm not getting into that
| battle, but it's certainly not appropriate for kids, especially
| without parental permission," Stahl said.
|
| Note the police chief's admission that obscenity wasn't an issue at
| the time the warrant was issued.
|
| Here the case *radically* changes direction. The charges above were
| dropped. However, while searching the 600 floppy disks seized along
| with the BBS, police found five picture files they think *could* be
| depictions of borderline underage women; although poor picture quality
| makes it difficult to tell.
|
| The sysop had *removed* these unsolicited files from the BBS hard
| drive after a user uploaded them. However the sysop didn't think to
| destroy the floppy disk backup, which was tossed into a cardboard box
| with hundreds of others. This backup was made before he erased the
| files off the hard drive.
|
| The prosecution, lacking any other charges that would stick, is using
| these several floppy disks to charge the sysop with two new second-degree
| felonies, "Pandering Obscenity Involving A Minor", and
| "Pandering Sexually Oriented Matter Involving A Minor" (i.e. kiddie
| porn, prison sentence of up to 25 years).
|
| The prosecution produced no evidence the files were ever "pandered".
| There's no solid expert testimony that the pictures depict minors. All
| they've got is the opinion of a local pediatrician. All five pictures
| have such poor resolution that there's no way to tell for sure to what
| extent makeup or retouching was used. A digitized image doesn't have
| the fine shadings or dot density of a photograph, which means there's
| very little detail on which to base an expert opinion. The
| digitization process also modifies and distorts the image during
| compression.
|
| The prosecutor has offered to plea-bargain these charges down to
| "possession" of child porn, a 4th degree felony sex crime punishable
| by one year in prison. The sysop refuses to plead guilty to a sex
| crime. Mark Lehrer had discarded the images for which the City of
| Munroe Falls adamantly demands a felony conviction. This means the
| first "pandering" case involving a BBS is going to trial in *one*
| month, Jan 4th.
|
| The child porn statutes named in the charges contain a special
| exemption for libraries, as does the original "dissemination to
| juveniles" statute (ORC # 2907.321 & 2). The exemption presumably
| includes public and privately owned libraries available to the public,
| and their disk collections. This protects library owners when an adult
| item is misplaced or loaned to a minor. (i.e. 8 year olds can rent
| R-rated movies from a public library).
|
| Yet although this sysop was running a file library larger than a small
| public library, he did not receive equal protection under the law, as
| guaranteed by the 14th Amendment. Neither will any other BBS, if this
| becomes precedent. The 'library defense' was allowed for large
| systems in Cubby versus CompuServe, based on a previous obscenity case
| (Smith vs. California), in which the Supreme Court ruled it generally
| unconstitutional to hold bookstore owners liable for content, because
| that would place an undue burden on bookstores to review every book
| they carry, thereby 'chilling' the distribution of books and
| infringing the First Amendment.
|
| If the sysop beats the bogus "pandering" charge, there's still
| "possession", even though he was *totally unaware* of what was on an
| old backup floppy, unsolicited in the first place, found unused in a
| cardboard box. "Possession" does not require knowledge that the person
| depicted is underage. The law presumes anyone in possession of such
| files must be a pedophile. The framers of the law never anticipated
| sysops, or that a sysop would routinely be receiving over 10,000 files
| from over 1,000 users.
| _______________________
|
| One comment: If a computer is a 'criminal tool' my local
| public library and most of the schools in this area are in -BIG-
| trouble...

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"The unleashed power of the atom has changed everything save our modes
of thinking and we thus drift toward unparalleled catastrophe."
Albert Einstein, 1946
The development, deployment and use of nuclear weapons have
forever altered our environment. For the first time, a species
has the capability of destroying itself and its life support
system. Our thinking, however, has not yet caught up with that
reality. In order to survive, we must change our mode of
thinking. This change requires knowledge, decision, and action.
I. KNOWLEDGE
A. War is Obsolete
Throughout recorded history, war has been used to acquire, to
defend, to expand, to impose, to preserve. War has been the
ultimate arbiter of differences between nations. War and the
preparation for war have become intrinsic to human culture. Now
we must accept the reality that war has become obsolete.
* We cannot fight a full-scale nuclear war. A full-scale nuclear
war would destroy civilization as we know it and would threaten
life itself.
* We cannot fight a limited nuclear war. Detonation of even a
small percentage of the world's nuclear arsenals could trigger a
"nuclear winter" and could cause the extinction of humanity. It
is also highly probable that a limited nuclear war would escalate
to a full-scale nuclear war.
* We cannot fight a conventional war among the superpowers. Such
a war would likely escalate to a nuclear war.
* We cannot fight a conventional war among the non-superpowers
without potentially involving the superpowers. The growing
interdependence of nations has produced a network of "vital
interests" that the superpowers have pledged to defend. This
defense could, in turn, escalate through conventional war to
nuclear war.
Today, because war has become obsolete, we must learn to resolve
conflict without violence.
B. We are One
"Once a photograph of the earth, taken from the outside, is available...
a new idea as powerful as any in history will let loose."
Sir Fred Hoyle, 1948
The view of the earth from space is a symbol of the
interconnectedness of all life. This symbol of oneness is
validated by a variety of scientific discoveries of the last
century.
* Physics demonstrates that nothing exists in isolation. All of
matter, from sub-atomic particles to the galaxies in space, is
part of an intricate web of relationships in a unified whole.
* Ecology provides the understanding that all parts of a living
system are interconnected and that greater stability results from
increased diversity.
* Biology reveals that, in a totally interrelated system, the
principle of survival of the "fittest" is now seen as that
species which best contributes to the well-being of the whole
system.
* Psychology explains the projection of the dark side of the
personality upon an "enemy." That knowledge gives us new tools
to understand conflict and to improve relationships between
individuals and between nations.
Together these discoveries reveal in a new way the meaning of
"One." We are one interconnected, interdependent life-system,
living on one planet.
C. The New Mode of Thinking
The knowledge that war is obsolete and that we are one is the
foundation of the new mode of thinking. Our mode of thinking is
what we identify with. It determines our values, our attitudes,
our motivation, and our actions.
Until recently, we had not experienced the earth as one
integrated system. We had limited experience of other peoples
and other cultures. Therefore, our primary loyalty has been
limited to our family, tribe, race, religion, ideology, or
nation. Our identification has been restricted and we have often
seen those beyond that identification as enemies.
In the nuclear age this limited identification threatens all
humanity. We can no longer be preoccupied with enemies. We can
no longer see ourselves as separate. Modern transportation,
communication systems and the discoveries of science have
increased tremendously our direct and indirect experience of the
world. We now see that all of life is interdependent, that we
share a common destiny, that our individual well-being depends on
the well-being of the whole system. We must now identify with
all humanity, all life, the whole earth. This expanded
identification is the new mode of thinking.
It may be that we will never eliminate conflict between
individuals or between nations. There will always be different
perspectives, different ideas and different approaches to
problems. However, an overriding identification with the whole
earth will enable us to resolve conflicts by discovering
solutions that benefit all. Diversity will no longer be a cause
of war. By changing our mode of thinking, diverse points of view
will become a source of creative solutions.
The human species has repeatedly demonstrated the ability to
change its mode of thinking. As we have matured and acquired new
knowledge, we have expanded our identification beyond the tribe,
clan and the city-state. As we began to expand our
identification beyond race, we abolished the institution of
slavery. Now, by expanding our identification to the whole earth
and all humanity, we will build a world beyond war.
"The Age of Nations is past. The task before us now, if we would not
perish, is to shake off our ancient prejudices and build the earth."
Pierre Teilhard de Chardin, 1936
II. DECISION
The process of building a world beyond war begins with the
acknowledgement that war is obsolete and that we are one. Change
then requires a decision to reject totally the obsolete and to
commit totally to build upon the new identification.
Decision means "to-cut" (-cision) "away from" (de-), to reject
forever an option, to close the door to an existing possibility.
Without a decision it is impossible to discover the new. There
is always a peril in moving into the unknown. We cannot preview
all that will happen. We must draw upon our individual and
collective experience of making such "leaps" in the past.
The decision to change our modes of thinking must be made on an
individual basis. Individuals are the basic element of
societies. Without an individual change, societal change cannot
occur. Each of us must decide to adopt the new mode of thinking
as the basis of his or her life.
"To compromise in this matter is to decide; to postpone and evade decision
is to decide; to hide the matter is to decide...There are a thousand ways
of saying no; one way of saying yes; and no way of saying anything else."
Gregory Vlastos, 1934
III. ACTION
Societies generate their own vision of what is possible and draw
their behavior from that vision. This nation must renew its
commitment to the vision upon which it was founded and build
agreement about the implications of that vision in the
contemporary world.
"We hold these truths to be self-evident: that all men are created equal;
that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights;
that among these are life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness; that, to
secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving
their just powers from the consent of the governed."
Declaration of Independence, 1776
We have not always lived up to the highest expression of our
founding principles. For example, "all men are created equal"
originally meant only white, tax-paying, property-owning males.
Clearer understanding of these principles has resulted in
creative change. When enough of us agreed that "all men are
created equal" meant black and white, we abolished slavery. When
enough of us agreed that it meant women and men, we instituted
women's suffrage. When enough of us agree that it mean more than
"separate but equal," we recognized civil rights.
When new agreements about principles are reached, laws, treaties
and policies are developed to implement them. That is the only
sequence of lasting change: agreement about principle, the law.
Law cannot effectively precede agreement. Agreement must spring
from new understanding of principles. The action through which
agreement is built is education.
Today education must be based upon the knowledge that war is
obsolete and that we are one. We now know that the principle
"all men are created equal" applies to every human being on the
planet. We now know that the unalienable right to life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness cannot be secured by war. We must
now work together to build agreement based on that knowledge
throughout our society.
Power comes from individuals who are connected to universal
principles and who are working together to build new agreements.
The power of the nation has come from involvement of the people
in the unfolding of our founding principles. We have always
agreed that such involvement is not the exclusive right of the
elite. Truth is self-evident: it is available to all. Power
flows not from the top, but from the consent of the governed.
Our Great Seal says it clearly: "E Pluribus Unum--Out of Many,
One."
We have become a demonstration of that statement on our Great
Seal. The possibility that resulted from the process of
involving people in the pursuit of truth has been unfolding for
200 years. This process has served as a beacon of hope and
inspiration to people around the world. It has drawn the largest
diversity of people ever assembled in one nation. We have
gathered the "Many"--the religions, the races, the
nationalities--working for the well-being of the "One," the
United States of America.
To fulfill the purpose and vision upon which this nation was
founded, we must change our understanding of the principle "Out
of Many, One" to include the whole earth and all life. We must
work together to build a world beyond war.
"I know of no safe repository of the ultimate power of society but the
people. And if we think them not enlightened enough, the remedy is not
to take the power from them, but to inform them by education."
Thomas Jefferson, 1820
************************************************
Try to take the whole concept in together. Do not get lost in a
disagreement on a small point or technicality. This is the most important
issue to face Mankind. We need your help, now!
Questions or comments concerning this concept should be directed
to the Beyond War BBS (FIDO 301) at (213) 477-5706, 23 hours per
day. Give us a call.
Call The Works BBS - 1600+ Textfiles! - [914]/238-8195 - 300/1200 - Always Open


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NEW
THE^BILL OF RIGHTS
Nearly everything has changed in the United States since the Bill of
Rights was written and adopted. We still see the original words when
we read those first 10 Amendments to the Constitution, yet the meaning
is vastly different now.
And no wonder. We've gone from a country of a few million to a few
hundred million. The nation's desire to band together was replaced by
revulsion of togetherness. We exchanged a birthright of justice for a
magic bullet, and replaced the Pioneer Spirit with the Pioneer Stereo.
We're not the people who founded this country and our Bill of Rights
should reflect this.
As we approach the 21st Century, it's time to bring the wording up to
date showing what we are and who we are.
AMENDMENT I
Congress shall make no law establishing religion, but shall act as if
it did; and shall make no laws abridging the freedom of speech, unless
such speech can be construed as "commercial speech" or "irresponsible
speech" or "offensive speech;" or shall abridge the right of the
people to peaceably assemble where and when permitted; or shall
abridge the right to petition the government for a redress of
grievances, under proper procedures.
It shall be unlawful to cry "Fire!" in a theatre occupied by three or
more persons, unless such persons shall belong to a class declared
Protected by one or more divisions of Federal, State or Local
government, in which case the number of persons shall be one or more.
AMENDMENT II
A well-regulated military force shall be maintained under control of
the President, and no political entity within the United States shall
maintain a military force beyond Presidential control. The right of
the people to keep and bear arms shall be determined by the Congress
and the States and the Cities and the Counties and the Towns (and
someone named Fred.)
AMENDMENT III
No soldier shall, in time of peace, be quartered in any house without
the consent of the owner, unless such house is believed to have been
used, or believed may be used, for some purpose contrary to law or
public policy.
AMENDMENT IV
The right of the people to be secure in their persons, houses, papers,
and effects against unreasonable searches and seizures may not be
suspended except to protect public welfare. Any place or conveyance
shall be subject to search by law enforcement forces of any political
entity, and any such places or conveyances, or any property within
them, may be confiscated without judicial proceeding if believed to be
used in a manner contrary to law.
AMENDMENT V
Any person may be held to answer for a crime of any kind upon any
suspicion whatever; and may be put in jeopardy of life or liberty by
the state courts, by the federal judiciary, and while incarcerated;
and may be compelled to be a witness against himself by the forced
submission of his body or any portion thereof, and by testimony in
proceedings excluding actual trial. Private property forfeited under
judicial process shall become the exclusive property of the judicial
authority and shall be immune from seizure by injured parties.
AMENDMENT VI
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right to
avoid prosecution by exhausting the legal process and its
practitioners. Failure to succeed shall result in speedy
plea-bargaining resulting in lesser charges. Convicted persons shall
be entitled to appeal until sentence is completed. It shall be
unlawful to bar or deter an incompetent person from service on a jury.
AMENDMENT VII
In civil suits, where a contesting party is a person whose private
life may interest the public, the right of trial in the Press shall
not be abridged.
AMENDMENT VIII
Sufficient bail may be required to ensure that dangerous persons
remain in custody pending trial. There shall be no right of the public
to be afforded protection from dangerous persons, and such protection
shall be dependent upon incarceration facilities available.
AMENDMENT IX
The enumeration in The Constitution of certain rights shall be
construed to deny or discourage others which may from time to time be
extended by the branches of Federal, State or Local government, unless
such rights shall themselves become enacted by Amendment.
AMENDMENT X
The powers not delegated to the United States by the Constitution
shall be deemed to be powers residing in persons holding appointment
therein through the Civil Service, and may be delegated to the States
and local Governments as determined by the public interest. The
public interest shall be determined by the Civil Service.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
The Pen is mightier than the Sword.
The Court is mightier than the Pen.
The Sword is mightier than the Court.
- Rey Barry -
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COUNTING ANIMALS, ONE BY ONE
Will Babbitt's Bio Survey Violate Property Rights?
By Charles Oliver
In Los Angeles
Investor's Business Daily
October 22, 1993, Page 1
========================================================================
"Essentially, what they are proposing is that the government permanently
keep track of almost every living thing in the United State. That isn't
physically possible."
Robert Gordon, Executive Director of the National Wildlife Institute.
========================================================================
Have you every wondered how many living things ther are in the U.S.?
How many plants and animals -- trees, squirrels, cockroaches, etc. --
share our homeland?
There are perhaps 500,000 species in the U.S., and there are easily
billions of living creatures. No one knows for sure how many.
But if Interior Secretary Bruce Babbitt has his way, we may one day
know. Not soon, certainly, but eventually.
Later this year, after Congress approves its final budget, the Interior
Department will begin the National Biological Survey, an ambitious, some
say impossible, attempt to catalog every nonhuman living organism in the
U.S. The plan excludes only bacteria and other microorganisms.
That mammoth undertaking has already generated quite a bit of
controversy.
Babbitt claims that the survey will both enrich our stock of knowledge
of the natural world and make application of the nation's environmental
laws more efficient.
But critics of the survey worry about that second point. They fear
that, in order to conduct the survey, government researchers may invade
the privacy of private citizens.
And they also are concerned that the data generated by the survey will
make it easier for the federal goverment to take away the property
rights of landowners under the guise of environmental protection.
The National Biological Survey has sometimes been referred to as
an enviromental census.
But that label may not be quite right.
The survey will not be a singular event or even a recurring count taking
place evey 10 years like the census that counts the number of persons in
the U.S.
Rather, the more correct analogy would be to the National Geological
Survey. Just as the geological survey is an ongoing effort to provide
ever more acurate maps of the nation's natural resources, the biological
survey will, its backers hope, be a perpetual effort to map the nation's
ecosystems.
Hope is the key word. The survey will be funded as an administrative
effort of the Interior Department, operating at the discretion of the
secretary.
A bill that would make the survey a permanent federal agency with a
presidentially appointed head was approved by the House of
Representatives earlier this month. But the Senate is unlikely to act
on the proposal until next year.
Babbitt has indicated that he considers the survey possibly to be the
most important program that he will initiate.
Some in the environmental community agree.
"Everyone stands to benefit from a more coordinated, more complete
database," said David Wilcove, senior ecologist at the Environmental
Defense Fund.
"We will get a much better picture of which species are in decline and
which are not," he said.
"We'll be more able to devote resourses to those that are endangered and
we can do so at an earlier stage when we have more options."
The survey will begin with a budget of about $170 million and 1,700
employees. The bulk of its funding and most of its employees will come
from absorbing existing research projects from various Interior
Department agencies.
The first stage of the survey will involve compling and analyzing the
data already collected by the federal government, state governments,
universities and other private researchers and preparing a preliminary
inventory of living things in the U.S.
But eventually, the project will expand to count every organism on all
U.S. public and private lands.
With only one researcher for every 300 species, survey officials say
they will have to rely upon outside sources -- universities, state
agencies and various other think tanks -- for much of the actual
legwork.
Still, the task remains daunting.
"We can't begin to overestimate the enormity of this project," said
Robert Gordon, executive director of the National Wilderness Institute.
Gordon contends that whatever data are gathered will be snapshots of
particular moments in time -- not a comprehensive, good-for-all-time
census.
"The number of a given species in a given area is constantly changing.
It's influenced by so many different things -- the weather, the presence
of species that feed upon it or that it feeds upon. Point data are
meaningless; what counts is direction," said Gordon.
ONGOING EFFORT
But that, say the survey's supporters, is exactly why it should be an
ongoing effort, not a one-time count.
"Essentially, what they are proposing is that the government permanently
keep track of almost every living thing in the United States. That
isn't physically possible," Gordon said.
The EDF's Wilcove concedes that it will be "a long, long time before we
have an accurate inventory of every plant and animal."
"But we'll be learning more and more about more and more species as we
go along, and that will be enormously helpful. Information can be
significant, even when it isn't complete," Wilcove said.
Opponents of the survey worry about what that information will be used
for.
"A lot of people are concerned that the survey will be used as a cover
for national land-use planning," said Ike Sugg, an environmental analyst
at the Competitive Enterprise Institute.
Not so, said Trudy Harlow, a spokesperson for the Interior Department.
"The survey is nonadvocacy and nonregulatory. All it will do is collect
information.," she said.
REGUALTION NIGHTMARE?
But even something as benign as information is generated within a
context, says Robert Gordon.
"And the context of the national Biological Survey is a vast array of
federal environmental rules -- the Endangered Species Act, wetlands
regulations, the national Natural Landmark Program and other rules. The
survey is obviously intended to strengthen the enforcement of such
regualtions," Gordon said.
"Ignorance isn't a tool," countered David Wilcove. "The survey is
taking a lot of heat from people upset with the nation's environmental
laws. But if those laws are their real concern, they should address
those laws and try to change what they think is wrong with them, not
attack information gathering."
In any event, Babbitt and the survey's supporters say, there's no reason
to suppose that the survey will lead to greater environmental regulation
until the data are collected.
In fact, they say, the data could lead to a relaxation of environmental
rules in some cases.
"It's certainly possible that we could learn that more species are
endangered than we thought and that they need protection, but it's also
possible that we could learn that some species aren't in as much trouble
as we thought," Wilcove said.
COUNTERING CRITICS' SUSPICIONS
But the suspicions of the survey's opponents were strengthed by two
suggestions made by Interior Secretary Babbitt.
The first was that the survey be exempt from the Freedom of Information
Act. The second was that those collecting data for the survey not have
to get written permission from private property owners before venturing
onto their lands.
Interior's Harlow says Babbitt's intent isn't secrecy at all costs.
"We want an exemption from the Freedom of Information Act simply because
it's difficult to protect a very limited species if people know where it
is," Harlow said.
"For example, if we announced that the last few members of, say, a given
species of cactus could be found in a certain location, someone would
try to dig them up. We wanted to prevent those kinds of situations,"
harlow said.
And the survey has no plans to violate anyone's property rights, she
contends.
"We would abide by the same requirements that other researchers must,
and that's oral permission of landowners," Harlow said.
TRACKING SPECIES
"Tracking some species can involve crossing numerous parcels of land. I
know of one case in which researchers tracking a parrot species had to
cross 1,500 (individual private) parcels," she said.
"If you tell people what you want, they'll usually give you permission
and the work can be done quickly," she added. "But having to get
written persmission fromeach and every property owner would slow things
down too much."
Earlier this month, a bill that would make the National Biological
Survey a permanent federal agency came to the floor of the House, where
members succeeded in adding several amendments addressing landowners'
fears.
One amendment requires the survey to catalog all federal lands before
looking at private property.
Another requires researchers to get written permission from landowners
before surveying private property.
And a third amenment forbids the survey from using volunteers to collect
field data on private lands.
While these amendments made the bill more palatable to those concerned
about protecting property rights -- enough so that it passed in teh
House -- they don't completely allay their fears.
Critics of the survey point out that they still have no idea what the
Senate version of the bill -- or more important the final law -- will
look like. It may not incorporate the protections placed in the House
bill.
Moreover, their central concern -- that the data gathered by the
National Biological Survey will be used as the basis for further
restrictions on private property -- cannot be remedied by anything short
of defunding the survey.

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PENTAGON BIOWARFARE RESEARCH CONDUCTED IN UNIVERSITY LABORATORIES
Overshadowed by Star Wars and overlooked by the media, the push
toward biowarfare has been one of the Reagan administration's best
kept secrets. The research budget for infectious diseases and toxins
has increased tenfold since fiscal '81 and most of the '86 budget of
$42 million went to 24 U.S. university campuses where the world's most
deadly organisms are being cultured in campus labs.
The amount of military money available for biotechnology research
is a powerful attraction for scientists whose civilian funding
resources dried up. Scientists formerly working on widespread killers
like cancer now use their talents developing strains of such rare
pathogens as anthrax, dengue, Rift Valley fever, Japanes encephalitis,
tularemia, shigella, botulin, Q fever, and mycotoxins.
Many members of the academic community find the trend alarming,
but when MIT's biology department voted to refuse Pentagon funds for
biotech research, the administration forced it to reverse its
decision. And, in 1987, the University of Wisconsin hired Philip
Sobocinski, a retired Army colonel, to help professors tailor their
research to attract Pentagon-funded biowarfare research to the school.
Richard Jannaccio, a former science writer at UW, was dismissed from
his job on August 25, 1987, the day after the student newspaper, THE
DAILY CARDINAL, published his story disclosing the details of Colonel
Sobicinski's mission at the University.
Since the U.S. is a signatory to the 1972 Biological and Toxic
Weapons Convention which bans "development, production, stockpiling
and use of microbes or their poisonous products except in amounts
necessary for protective and peaceful research," the university-based
work is being pursued under the guise of defensive projects aimed at
developing vaccines and protective gear. Scientists who oppose the
program insist that germ-warfare defense is clearly impractical; every
person would have to be vaccinated for every known harmful biological
agent. Since vaccinating the entire population would be virtually
impossible, the only application of a defensive development is in
conjunction with offensive use. Troops could be effectively vaccinated
for a single agent prior to launching an attack with that agent.
Colonel David Huxsoll, commander of the U.S. Army Medical Research
Institute of Infectious Diseases admits that offensive research is
indistinguishable from defensive research even for those doing it.
Each of the sources for this synopsis raised ethical questions
about the perversion of academia by military money and about the U.S.
engaging in a biological arms race that could rival the nuclear
threat, yet none mentioned the safety or the security of the labs
involved. The failure to investigate this aspect of the issue is a
striking omission. Release of pathogens, either by accident or
design, would prove tragic at any of the following schools: Brigham
Young, California Institute of Technology, Colorado State University,
Emory, Illinois Institute of Technology, Iowa University, M.I.T.,
Purdue, State University of N.Y. at Albany, Texas A&M, and the
Universities of California, California at Davis, Cincinnati,
Connecticut, Georgia, Idaho, Kansas, Kentucky, Maryland,
Massachusetts, Minnesota, North Carolina, and Utah.
SOURCES: ISTHMUS, 10/9/87, "Biowarfare and the UW," by Richard
Jannaccio, pp 1, 9, 10; THE PROGRESSIVE, 11/16/87, "Poisons from the
Pentagon," by Seth Shulman, pp 16-20; WALL STREET JOURNAL, 9/17/86,
"Military Science," by Bill Richards and Tim Carrington, pp 1, 23.


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THE BILL OF JURY RIGHTS
The following six points were approved for inclusion in the
Bill of Jury Rights by voting delegates at the St. Louis "BJR"
Conference. Time ran out before several other items proposed for
the Bill could be debated and voted upon.
Conference participants were subsequently asked to send us
their signatures if they wanted us to attach them to the six
points that were approved, for publication in this issue of the
FIJActivist. The "signed" Bill, then, is to date as follows:
1. The inherent right of jurors to be informed of their duty
to judge the law as well as the facts in all cases shall not be
infringed.
2. In all criminal trials, a jury of at least twelve persons
must be seated unless declined by the defendant.
3. The jury must be told that unanimity is not required, but
if not achieved, a retrial is possible.
4. A guilty or innocent verdict must be established
unanimously by the jury.
5. Jurors must be randomly selected from the widest
possible base.
6. Jurors may not be disqualified from service except by
reason of conflict of interest.
Signatures of those who've signed to date will be reproduced
in the next FIJActivist. So far, we've received signatures from:
David S. Curland, NH; Toni L. Black, SC; Frank Nugent, MO;
Red Beckman, MT; Honey Lanham Dodge, TX; Ken Bush, MO; Godfrey D.
Lehman, CA; Sasha D. Kennison, SC; Marjorie C. Davies, OH;
Richard B. Boddie, CA; Dick Sunderman, WY; Norma D. Segal, NY;
Dave Dawson, WY; Paul Carroll, AZ; Eon Marshall, CA; Barbara
Anderson, NH; Bro. Jim Lorenz, CA; Dennis Kurk, MN; Beatrice
Kurk, MN; Walter A. Murray, Jr. WY; Richard Tompkins, AZ; Darlene
Span, AZ; Jerry Span, AZ; Larry Dodge, MT; Don Doig, MT.
BJR Conferees and Speakers note: If you haven't done so
already, you can still "sign" the Bill of Jury Rights, as
presented above. Just send us your signature. We'll cut it out
and paste it up with the others. We'll send you a master copy of
the signed document, and print it in the next FIJActivist!
"DRAFTERMATH"
Since the St. Louis conference, Texans for FIJA met to draft
a "Texas version", which proposes item 1 of the Bill of Jury
Rights as an amendment to the section of that state's
constitution dealing with trial by jury, and includes BJR items
2-5 as part of a list of proposed statutes by which to implement
and supplement that section, as amended.
The Texas version also divided the statutes into those which
would apply to all trials, and those which would apply only to
criminal trials. After discussing the Texas version with FIJA
activists in Colorado and Wyoming, collecting from them still
more suggestions, Larry Dodge brought the accumulated commentary
to FIJA HQ in Montana, where he and Don Doig added still a third
battery of statutes, applicable only to civil cases, and rewrote
the entire document, using as many suggestions as possible.
After some debate over whether some of the items in the list
should be separated out as "rights of the defendant", as opposed
to "jury rights" (resolved by deciding that all rights of the
jury are derivative of the right of defendants to trial by jury,
so that it makes no sense to separate them), a more-or-less
comprehensive Bill of Jury Rights was developed:
Proposed Constitutional Amendment, (either by legislative
referendum or citizen initiative) to the state constitutional
section on Trial by Jury:
"The inherent right of jurors to be informed of their duty
to judge the law as well as the facts in all cases shall not be
infringed."
Proposed statutes to implement the above amendment, and to
supplement state constitutional sections dealing with Trial by
Jury or with Rights of the Accused:
1. In all trials:
a. a jury of at least twelve persons must be seated
unless declined by the defendant.
b. jurors must be selected randomly, from the widest
possible base.
c. jurors may not be disqualified from service except
by reason of conflict of interest.
d. no evidence which either side wishes to present to
the jury may be withheld, provided it was lawfully obtained.
e. jurors may take notes in the courtroom, have
questions posed to witnesses, and take reference materials into
the jury room.
f. during selection, jurors may refuse to answer
questions which they believe violate their right of privacy,
without prejudice.
2. In all criminal trials:
a. the court must inform the jury of its right to judge
both law and fact in reaching a verdict, and failure to so inform
the jury is grounds for mistrial. The jurors must acknowledge by
oath that they understand this right, no party to the trial may
be prevented from encouraging them to exercise it, and no
potential juror may be disqualified from serving on a jury
because he expresses a willingness to judge the law or its
application, or to vote according to conscience.
b. the jury must be told that it is not required to
reach a unanimous verdict, but that failure to do so will produce
a hung jury, and a retrial will be possible.
c. A unanimous vote of the jury is required in order
for it to render a verdict of guilty or innocent.
d. the jury must be informed of the range of
punishments which can be administered if the defendant is found
guilty, and what, if any, exceptions to that range may be
available to the convict.
e. the court may grant no motions which limit the
individual rights of the defendant, most particularly his right
to have the jury hear whatever justifications for his actions the
defense may wish to present.
3. In all civil trials:
a. civil trial jurors also retain the traditional power
to judge the law, and must be so told by the court whenever the
government or any agent of the government is a party to the
trial, and where the amount in dispute exceeds $20.
b. agreement by three-quarters of the jury constitutes
a verdict.
c. no judge may overturn the verdict of the jury.
Appeals may be made only to another jury, and if these juries
disagree, the case shall be decided by a third jury.
"PLUS THREE"
The St. Louis conference produced three independent
proposals for wording which we would like to reproduce here as
additional food for thought.
FORMER JUSTICE JOHN I. PURTLE'S PROPOSAL
Trial juries shall be composed of 12 or more citizens chosen
at random from a pool consisting of all persons in the judicial
district over the age of 18 years. In criminal cases the verdict
must be unanimous and in civil cases, 75% must agree on the
verdict. Jurors shall be allowed to take notes during the trial
and may take the notes and all evidence into the deliberation
room.
Grand juries shall consist of 16 or more members selected
from the same pool and an indictment must be signed by 75% of the
panel. The grand jury shall have the right to select independent
counsel.
The inherent rights of jurors to be informed of their duty
to judge the law and the facts in all cases shall not be
infringed.
GODFREY DAVIDSBURG LEHMAN'S PROPOSAL
The inherent right of jurors to be informed of their duty
to judge the law and facts by general or special verdicts at
their discretion in all cases shall not be infringed.
Trial juries shall be composed of 12 or more citizens
selected at random from the widest possible community base in the
judicial district without peremptory challenge; challenges for
cause shall be limited only to cases of direct partisan interest.
Verdicts in all criminal trials shall be unanimous and in
civil trial shall be by 75%. Jurors shall be informed of their
options to select the third verdict of "Not Proven" when they are
dissatisfied with the limitations by either an outright acquittal
or conviction.
The court shall not withhold from the jury any evidence
which any of the litigants wish to bring before the jury, except
for evidence illegally obtained. In the case of evidence
obtained under questionable circumstances, the court shall
explain to the jury how the evidence was obtained without
revealing the evidence itself and the judge may express his
opinion as to proper admissibility.
But the evidence shall be allowed only if one-third (?) or
more of the jury so desire provided that a ruling of illegality
by the jury shall constitute an automatic indictment of the
persons who obtained such evidence, and who shall be tried
immediately under the criminal statutes of this state concurrent
with the originating trial.
Should defendants be acquitted in said trial, the suppressed
evidence shall be made immediately available to the jury in the
originating trial; but if said trial be already completed, the
freed evidence shall constitute grounds for a new trial upon the
request of either party.
The Seventh Amendment's proscription that "no fact tried by
a jury shall be otherwise re-examined in any court of the United
States, than by the rules of the common law," shall be understood
that no appellate court in any case may evaluate the jury verdict
neither to overrule nor uphold, being limited only to determine
if the trial was conducted fairly per Constitutional mandate.
If a question appears to the court or in the case of new
evidence, the court shall send the case back to the trial court
for a new trial before a second jury, equal in sovereign rank to
the first jury, which can deliver a new verdict or uphold the
first verdict. If the second jury overrules the first, a third
trial may be held, the final determination being the two agreeing
juries.
FRANK NUGENT'S PROPOSAL
ADMISSIBILITY OF EVIDENCE 1. It being the natural right and
ability of each and every citizen of this state to judge for
himself or herself as to the relevance of evidence, and it being
the natural right and ability of each and every citizen to resist
pre-judging any issue, no evidence shall be declared inadmissible
or otherwise kept from the jury on the grounds of relevance or
irrelevancy, nor on the ground that such evidence would be
prejudicial.
2. Should any judge rule that any evidence being submitted
was obtained illegally, the question of admissibility of such
evidence shall be turned over to arbitration consisting of the
following persons: prosecuting attorney, defense attorney or the
pro se defendant, and three jurors from the general jury pool.
If the arbiters decide by an 80% vote that such evidence was
obtained legally, then such evidence shall be placed before the
jury. A less than 80% vote shall constitute a finding that the
evidence was obtained illegally, and then it shall not be
admitted nor revealed to the jury; provided however, that such a
ruling of illegality shall constitute an automatic indictment of
the persons who obtained such evidence, and who shall be tried
immediately under the criminal statutes of this state concurrent
with the originating trial. Should defendants be acquitted in
said trial, the suppressed evidence shall be made immediately
available to the jury in the originating trial; but if said trial
be already completed, the freed evidence shall constitute grounds
for a new trial upon the prayer of either party.

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1/9/8
1841696
In California, a Question of Abuse; An Excess of Child Molestation
Cases Brings Kern County's Investigative Methods Under Fire.
The Washington Post, May 31, 1989, FINAL Edition
BY: Jay Mathews, Washington Post Staff Writer
SECTION: Style, p. d01
STORY TYPE: News National
LINE COUNT: 314 WORD COUNT: 3456
BAKERSFIELD, Calif. - Only two of the children at the trial could even
identify Gina Miller. She was Colleen Forsythe's friend, the only
nonrelative in Bakersfield's infamous Pitts family child molestation and
pornography ring.
Identified or not, the jury found her guilty with the others in 1985 and
sent the soft-spoken, auburn-haired fast-food worker to prison for 405
years, forcing her to end abruptly the breast-feeding of her fourth child,
10-month-old Tammra.
After hearing the lurid allegations made during the seven-month trial,
the 12 jurors from this San Joaquin Valley city of oil wells and fruit
trees may have felt even the most severe punishment was insufficient.
Children testified that several adult members of the Pitts family gathered
regularly to sodomize and molest their own sons, daughters, nephews or
nieces, often after forcing drugs or alcohol on them. Children said they
saw cameras apparently filming the sexual acts.
There had never been anything like it here, and in a city full of
families from Oklahoma and the South who prided themselves on their
Christian values and adherence to law and order, the reaction was horror
and outrage. Children could not make up such stories, prosecutors
repeatedly reminded the jurors and the public. "I can't conceive of a
reason for something like this," said Superior Court Judge Gary T. Friedman
as he pronounced sentences. "I doubt if our friends in the animal kingdom
would treat their young in such a fashion."
A few defense attorneys raised objections to the extraordinary prison
terms. The total of 2,619 years for the seven defendants set a child abuse
case record for California and probably the whole country. Defense
attorneys noted that no adults had testified to witnessing the crimes, that
there was no sign of the alleged pornographic films or videotapes and that
the medical evidence was controversial. But such objections were buried in
an outpouring of disgust at the trial testimony and a growing concern about
mass child abuse cases materializing in many other parts of the country.
Then, as months went by, a few Bakersfield residents began to wonder
about the Pitts case and several other sexual abuse investigations that had
been carried out for several years by a number of very active officials in
the Kern County district attorney's and sheriff's offices. One analysis
showed that in 1982 the county's rate of arrests for child molesting was
twice the state average. Investigations that initially focused on just one
or two children seemed to grow to include many more.
Finally, a county investigation of an alleged satanic cult, a group that
made the Pitts defendants appear kindly by comparison, careened irrevocably
out of control. Child witnesses who had been repeatedly interviewed, much
like the witnesses in the Pitts and several other cases, told investigators
that the cult had not only molested children but conducted blood rites and
even killed babies. Frantic efforts to discover the bodies proved
fruitless, and then three young witnesses went one crucial step further.
They identified as members of the satanic ring a sheriff's deputy, a social
worker and a deputy district attorney--persons with impeccable reputations
who could not possibly have been where the children said they saw them.
This was the turning point. The credibility of both witnesses and
investigators in the series of molestation cases began to come into serious
question. Gina Miller, obsessed with thoughts of her children, said she
felt her spirits lifting for the first time. Perhaps she had a chance to
get out soon.
Within months a special investigative team from the state attorney
general's office had descended on Bakersfield and produced one of the most
damning reports one California agency had ever written about another. The
80-page document concluded that a county child sexual abuse coordinator and
sheriff's deputies overinterviewed and pressured child witnesses, gave them
opportunities to share accounts of the case, and assumed anything a child
said was true. The report said this prompted investigators "to accept the
children's statements without question, to neglect to verify those
statements through additional questions of the victim and others close to
the victim, and to fail to seek additional corroborative evidence to
support the children's claims."
The county's investigation, the report concluded, "foundered in a sea of
unproven allegations, insufficient corroborative evidence, and bizarre
allegations that in some instances were proven to be false and raised
serious questions about the victims' credibility."
The state's highest law enforcement officials had decided that, in
Bakersfield at least, horribly detailed stories of abuse and molestation
told by innocent children might not always be true. Not only did the report
challenge an article of faith in the conviction of the Pitts family and
other defendants here, but it was directly critical of methods used by
investigators who had participated, at least in part, in gathering
testimony used against the Pitts family and many others.
The resulting furor has not drawn much attention outside California's
San Joaquin Valley. Notable molestation cases like the McMartin Preschool
trial in Los Angeles have preempted most national media attention. But the
attorney general's report on Bakersfield paints a picture of what has to be
considered one of the clumsiest and most destructive child abuse
investigations in American history. The report leaves unanswered many
questions about how to deal with such tragedies, and what to do about many
other Kern County residents left in prison whose cases have not attracted a
full-scale second look.
For the attorney general's report said nothing directly about the Pitts
defendants. Miller said she experienced a sinking feeling that the state's
exposure of investigative clumsiness might not help them after all, and
others raised the same concerns.
Glenn Cole, a retired accountant who led the county grand jury from 1983
to 1985, said he believes "innocent people are in jail right today" because
children were "questioned to the point where they could not tell truth from
fiction." He said he thinks the initial investigators were not properly
trained and the attorney general's office should have done more to right
the wrongs. "I try to put it out of my mind," Cole said, "but I get very
emotional about it."
Some attorneys, particularly those defending the Pittses, are beginning
to compare many of the Bakersfield child abuse investigations to the Salem
witch trials. They say they fear that instinctive loathing over unusually
egregious accounts of child molestation has subverted the rule of law and
due process and unnecessarily shattered dozens of lives, including those of
several children.
In some minds the parallels across three centuries are very close.
Michael Snedeker, a San Francisco attorney representing one of the Pitts
defendants, said the Salem trials began in 1692 with two children who,
after repeated questioning, identified many local people as witches. "The
Salem witchcraft fever did not break until the children made absolutely
unbelievable accusations, pointing their damning fingers at the governor's
wife," he said. "They also accused those most eager in the prosecution of
witches. Once disbelieved in a few particulars, they lost the power to
condemn they undoubtedly never sought."
Bitter arguments have broken out here over the guilt or innocence of the
Pitts defendants and several others jailed after investigations similar to
the discredited satanic case. At the very least, the turmoil shows how
damaging a misstep in a child abuse case can be, and how it may take years
to erase the effects of overzealous interviewing and an unshakable belief
in the veracity of children, even those under severe emotional pressure.
In the last several months two of the alleged child victims in the Pitts
case have recanted, saying nothing at all happened in the green house on
Sycamore Street where the molestations were supposed to have occurred.
The sudden shift in the cases sparked unusual tensions between many
leading Bakersfield citizens. Andrew Gindes, a former prosecutor who
handled the Pitts case, has sued Alfred T. Fritts, former
co-publisher/editor of the Bakersfield Californian, for libel after the
newspaper printed a story about one witness's recantation. Gindes'
complaint alleged that Fritts was hostile toward him because Fritts feared
his "own activities would be disclosed if a vigorous policy was pursued by
law enforcement against child molesters." Dennis Kinnaird, an attorney
representing Fritts and other defendants in the case, called the allegation
"totally incorrect" and said, "We don't think it has any basis in fact."
Gindes, in an interview, expressed outrage that the results of a lengthy
jury trial were now being questioned, and accused attorneys for the Pitts
defendants of organizing a "media hype." "I don't think the media should be
used to conduct a public relations campaign to attempt to prejudice the
judicial system," he said.
Investigators and prosecutors here who handled most of the cases say
that their evidence stands up, and bitterly denounce the decision to drop
the satanic cult case. Kern County District Attorney Edward R. Jagels, who
refused to prosecute the satanic case, still defends the investigative
methods and lengthy prison sentences in the Pitts and other cases.
Arguments against them, he said, "just don't hang together."
Although some attorneys with the state attorney general's office
privately express doubts about the evidence in the Pitts and other cases
brought during the widespread molestation investigations of 1982 to 1985,
they say they can do nothing to overturn jury verdicts. Deputy Attorney
General Thomas Gede, who was assigned to the Pitts case on appeal, said
that after reading all 14,000 pages of trial transcript he is convinced of
the guilt of all seven defendants.
While those verdicts are being appealed, the Pitts defendants and many
others remain in prison with multiple life sentences, wondering if they
will ever leave prison and, if they do, ever restore a semblance of their
previous lives.
Colleen Forsythe, sentenced to 373 years in the Pitts case, said her
13-year-old daughter Windy, one of the two witnesses who have recently
recanted, has been through several foster homes and returned more than once
to the custody of juvenile authorities.
During trial, Forsythe, now 30, insisted on her innocence. "There was no
way I was going to say that I did something like that when I didn't," she
said during an interview at the California Institution for Women in
Frontera.
Miller rejected an early offer of a lighter sentence in exchange for
testifying against the others. "People think I was crazy for not taking
that deal, but how could I take responsibility for all these people?" she
said.
Bakersfield tree surgeon Roy Nokes, who spent $50,000 in a successful
fight to clear his son and daughter-in-law of molestation charges in
another case, said he thinks some innocent people who lacked the necessary
financial resources accepted shorter jail terms after seeing the huge jury
verdicts against those in the Pitts case and others. His son,
daughter-in-law and others are suing a prosecutor and an investigator for
the alleged harm done them and their families.
"They should be hit hard enough that they never do anything like this
again," he said.
The Pitts case began in 1984 when Ricky Lynn Pitts, now 36 and a former
truck driver and bartender, and his wife Marcella were accused of molesting
Marcella's three sons by a previous marriage. The new wife of Marcella's
ex-husband told authorities the boys had reported being molested during
weekend visits to the Pittses' house on Sycamore Street.
Marcella Pitts, 34, serving a 373-year sentence in the case, said the
wife of her ex-husband made false charges because "she knew I was going to
fight for custody of those kids and she knew I'd win." But the boys'
account led authorities to take custody of them as well as eight other
children and, after weeks of interviews with the 11 children, to file
molestation charges against the Pittses, Forsythe, Forsythe's husband Wayne
(they have since divorced), Forsythe's mother Grace Dill, 55, Dill's son
Wayne Dill Jr., 33, and Miller.
At the trial, some children said they were injected with drugs, forced
to drink urine and alcohol and to engage in sex acts with adults and other
children while as many as three cameras recorded the scene. In some cases,
Ricky Pitts was accused of threatening children with being tied to a board
hanging on the wall.
The seven defendants all insisted on their innocence, and four took and
passed lie detector tests. But the prosecution produced testimony from a
physician, Bruce Woodling, that there were signs of molestation in two
children. The prosecution said it produced medical testimony on only these
two because they were the only ones who denied being molested.
Many child witnesses were interviewed repeatedly by Carol Darling, the
district attorney's child sexual abuse coordinator, before telling stories
of abuse and agreeing to testify. Darling, who declined to comment on the
case, retired on a disability pension last year for excessive mental and
emotional stress.
Andrew Rubin, an attorney who represented Ricky Pitts, said he saw many
inconsistencies in the children's testimony and thought it sounded as if it
came from an outside source, but the jury seemed impressed by the medical
testimony and one moment of courtroom drama.
A 6-year-old girl witness, whom Pitts said he had disciplined in the
past, began screaming hysterically, "Don't let him get me! Don't let him
kill me!" when she was asked to identify him at the defendants' table.
Uncontrollable, she ran into the arms of Judge Friedman, who said after the
trial he felt "she was definitely traumatized, as were the other children."
At that point in the trial, Rubin said, "I realized I was in serious
trouble in this case."
The defendants began serving their sentences in the summer of 1985.
Their continued protestations of innocence were largely ignored until
Christina Hayes, now 14, Ricky Pitts' niece and the eldest of the child
witnesses, had a conversation with her guardian's wife during the 1986
Christmas season.
The wife, Mary Isabell, said she was concerned about the girl's hostile
attitude and poor study habits. After a visit by Christina's grandfather,
who firmly believed in the innocence of the Pitts defendants, Isabell
invited Christina into her bedroom to discuss the trial.
"I said, 'We have to talk about it,'" Isabell said in a taped interview
with private investigator Denver Dunn, which is now part of the court
record. "I told her, 'You have to tell me the truth. Good God, if it
happened a little bit, not at all, a whole bunch, whatever happened, I need
to know so that I can help you.'"
After thinking about it for a moment, Christina changed her story and
said that nothing had happened. In the course of several days of talk with
Robert Hayes, the guardian she refers to as her father, and with Isabell,
she said her trial testimony had emerged from hours of interviews with
social worker Carol Darling and other investigators, in which she was told
accounts of what other children were saying. She said Darling told her some
potentially violent friends of the Pitts family were out to do her harm.
"They told me that if I didn't cooperate they would take me away from my
dad (Hayes) and put me in a foster home," Christina said in an interview
conducted during a walk in her Bakersfield neighborhood with no other
adults present. Her natural mother, Clovette Pitts, disappeared when the
others were arrested.
Hayes said he believes Christina is now telling the truth and noted that
her grades and general attitude have improved. But Jagels, the county
district attorney, and other county investigators said her new story is
false, perhaps concocted to relieve tension in the family. They emphasized
her lengthy, detailed testimony on the stand, which defense attorneys point
out consisted mostly of short, affirmative answers to detailed prosecution
questions. Jagels said he thought it significant that she could not specify
precisely where and when she heard the details of the molestations she
testified to. Jagels also noted her recantation came shortly after she
learned her grandmother, Grace Dill, had broken her leg in prison.
Three weeks after Christina Hayes changed her story, district attorney's
investigator Tam Hodgson interviewed Windy Betterton, Forsythe's daughter,
producing a transcript that is now in the court record:
Hodgson: "Okay. Those things that you testified to, are all of them
true, some of them true, none of them true?"
Betterton: "None of them are true."
Her cousin, Sherril Boyd, told Hodgson that she had informed the girl of
Christina Hayes' recantation and cautioned Windy to be sure she was telling
the truth. Boyd said the girl began to cry, and then said "the people at
the DA's office had kept asking, or saying over and over and over that they
knew she had been molested. She had finally just made up something to keep
them from questioning her anymore."
In the satanic cases, the attorney general's report criticized Kern
County investigators for interviewing "victims repeatedly, covering old
ground, reiterating other victims' statements, failing to question the
children's statements, and urging them to name additional suspects and
victims." Despite state guidelines against multiple interviews, one child
in the satanic case "was interviewed 24 times by sheriff's deputies and a
total of 35 times in the investigation," the report said.
Critics of the Kern County investigations, citing the attorney general's
report, have focused on several other cases investigated about the same
time by some of the same Kern County officials or by other officials using
similar methods:
Scott and Brenda Kniffen and Alvin and Deborah McCuan, two couples with
two small children each, were given prison terms of 240 to 268 years for
molesting their children, despite evidence that some of the children had
falsely accused other adults and had come under the influence of a mentally
disturbed relative who resented some of the defendants. Prosecutors used
testimony from Woodling that was challenged by David Paul, an
internationally recognized child abuse expert.
David A. Duncan, a 39-year-old former oil field worker, was sent to
prison for 60 years in 1984 on a molestation charge. Duncan was accused by
child witnesses discovered during a sweep of a neighborhood in another
investigation. The children were repeatedly interviewed before they
testified, and testimony by a jail-house informant was also used against
Duncan. He was released in late January after an appeals court reversed his
conviction and the prosecutor dropped the charges.
Howard L. Weimer, a 65-year-old former automobile repair shop owner, has
been in prison for a year after a woman he and his wife cared for as foster
parents years before accused him of molesting her. Eventually sheriff's
deputies, in part through lengthy interviews, found four other former
foster children of the couple who made similar accusations. The trial judge
imposed a 42-year sentence.
John A. Stoll, a 45-year-old former gas plant foreman, received a
40-year sentence after being convicted of molestation on testimony from his
son and some other children, including some who later recanted.
Many investigators and attorneys who handled Bakersfield child abuse
cases in the early 1980s vigorously defend their actions and ridicule the
attorney general's report. "It was just junk," former deputy district
attorney Gindes said in an interview. He said he still believed the satanic
cult accusations might have merit.
In a follow-up interview, Gindes denied criticizing the attorney
general's attack on the satanic case investigation or saying he thought the
satanic case might still have merit. He declined to say what his attitude
toward the case was.
Carol Darling's husband Brad, a lieutenant in the Kern County sheriff's
office, has continued to speak to church groups about his belief in some of
the satanic charges. He told one group, according to a transcript, that his
witnesses "described things that I can't fathom a child knowing about or
learning on television." The Darlings declined to be interviewed.
Snedeker said an expert witness, University of California Irvine
gynecologist R. David Miller, has concluded that the medical evidence used
at the trial was meaningless. But appeals and new trials take time. Despite
the widespread doubt about many of the Bakersfield molestation cases, the
people sent to prison expect to be there for some time.
Gina Miller said she is certain she will be free some day and thinks she
can start a new life with her children in another state. Her friend Colleen
Forsythe is less hopeful. When she is freed, she said, she may not try to
retrieve her children from their new homes.
"I'm scared of kids. I'm scared to death of kids," she said. "I'm glad I
can't have any more."
CAPTIONS: Gina Miller, of the defendants in the Bakersfield trial.
Grace Dill, Marcella Pitts and Colleen Forsythe in prison.
Christina Hayes, eldest of the child witnesses, has since recanted her
testimony. LV witnesses, has since recanted her testimony. LV
NAMED PERSONS: MILLER, GINA; FORSYTHE, COLLEEN; PITTS, RICKY LYNN;
PITTS, MARCELLA
DESCRIPTORS: Child molestation; Trials; California ;^<0F><00>\PMODEM FON <00>^<5E><12><00><00>ABALON TXT <19> <13>9*FORCE TXT <00><>

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The following is a collection of quotes by BLACK Americans:
ROBERT C. MAYNARD (black, syndicated columnist)
"The underclass is a lawless, illiterate minority with zero
regard for the common decencies of those more fortunate than
they. (It is categorized by) masses of illiterate, untrained
youth on the streets with abundant access to drugs and guns.
(This is) our nation's future. Unless we begin to re-channel
the energies and reshape the values of the youth of that
underclass, none of us is safe. The burgeoning underclass is
the social dynamite that threatens the stability of the entire
society."
...
WILLIAM HOUGH (black, retired Army sergeant)
"We have been accusing whites of the very same offense for years.
No there is no other ethnic group in America that seems more
prejudiced than us blacks. And it is virtually destroying us as
a race. The black media, the black leaders and our parents must
share in the blame for this. What started out as black pride
eventually turned into black racism. How can we see racism and
prejudice in other races but fail to recognize it among ourselves?
We are constantly bombarded with negativism by our black press. For
instance, we are fed depressing information about this wicked, one-
sided society that we live in and that our chance of making it is
almost nil.
We hear this same kind of negativism from family, friends, and
neighbors. No wonder so many young blacks are turned off. We end
up with an embittered and confused individual.
Black Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas, when he was chairman
of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission, charged that black
leaders 'are sitting there watching the destruction of our race
while they bitch, bitch, bitch about Ronald Reagan. Ronald Reagan
isn't the problem. Jimmy Carter was not the problem. The lack of
black leadership is the problem."
...
WALTER WILLIAMS (black professor at George Mason University)
"Civil rights organizations, once part of a proud struggle, have
now squandered their moral authority. They are little more than
race hustlers championing a racial spoils system. They no longer
seek fair play and a color blind society. Their agenda is one of
rights, where quota is king and colorblindness is viewed with
contempt. Today's civil rights organizations differ only in degree
,but not in kind, from white racist organizations past and present."
...
SHELBY STEELE (a black professor)
"A generation after the Watts riot and the passage of the Civil
Rights Act of 1964, it is time for blacks to drop the crutch of
racial victimization and rely on their own efforts to gain access
to the American mainstream."
"The opportunities are there. Blacks have only to stop hiding
behind racism and take advantage of them. While racism still exists,
it is not what is holding back America's black people. Instead, the
specter of racism has become a crippling fixation of blacks, a way
not just to excuse failure but to avoid dealing with real problems.
Victimization views white people as omnipotent. It is as though
white people are in charge of our fate rather than ourselves. The
sense of victimization has led blacks to rely on programs like
affirmative action that both stem from and perpetuate their sense
of being victims."
"The insistence on black victimization and white guilt sets in motion
a never-ending and ultimately futile, inter-racial battle . . . that
leaves us with an identity (as a victim) that is at war with our best
interests, that magnifies our oppression and diminishes our sense of
possibility."
"It did blacks no good to ignore their real fears and blame racism
for all their failings. Blacks have tremendous possibilities, but
if you think you're up against a white racism and your just a total
victim of it, then you can't do anything except be mad."

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Censored Books
Responding to the Meese commission's official approval of pressure-group
censorship, Waldenbooks staged a promotion featuring 52 volumes that had been
"challenged, burned or banned somewhere in the United States in the last 15
years." The titles and the reasons for outrage against these books are so
astounding that we decided to publish the complete list.
THE BASTARD, by John Jakes.
Removed from Montour (Pennsylvania) High School library, 1976.
BLOODLINE, by Sidney Sheldon.
Challenged in Abingdon, Virginia, 1980;
Elizabethton, Tennessee, 1981.
BRAVE NEW WORLD, by Aldous Huxley.
Removed from classroom, Miller, Missouri, 1980.
Challenged frequently throughout the U.S.
CARRIE, by Stephen King.
Considered "trash" that is especially harmful for "younger girls."
Challenged by Clark High School library, Las Vegas, Nevada, 1975.
Placed on special closed shelf in Union High School library, Vergennes,
Vermont, 1978.
THE CATCHER IN THE RYE, by J.D. Salinger.
Considered "dangerous" because of vulgarity, occultism, violence and sexual
content.
Banned in Freeport High School, DeFuniak Springs, Florida, 1985.
Removed from
Issaquah, Washington, optional high school reading list, 1978;
required reading list, Middleville, Michingan, 1979.;
Jackson-Milton school libraries, North Jackson, Ohio, 1980;
Anniston, Alabama, high school libraries, 1982.
Challenged by Libby (Montana) High School, 1983.
CATCH-22, by Joseph Heller.
Considered "dangerous" because of objectionable language.
Banned in Strongsville, Ohio, 1972 (overturned in 1976).
Challenged by Dallas, Texas, Independent School District high school
libraries, 1974,
Snoqualmie, Washington, 1979.
THE CLAN OF THE CAVE BEAR, by Jean M. Auel.
Challenged by numerous public libraries.
A CLOCKWORK ORANGE, by Anthony Burgess.
"Objectionable" language.
Removed from
Westport, Rhode Island, high school classrooms, 1977;
Aurora, Colorado, high school classrooms, 1976;
Anniston, Alabama, high school libraries, 1982.
THE COLOR PURPLE, by Alice Walker.
Considered inappropriate because of its "troubling ideas about race relations,
man's relationship to God, African history and human sexuality."
Challenged by Oakland, California, high school honors class, 1984;
rejected for purchase by Hayward, California, school trustees.
THE CRUCIBLE, by Arthur Miller.
Considered dangerous because it contains "sick words from the mouths of
demon-possessed people."
Challenged by Cumberland Valley High School, Harrisburg, Pennsylvania,
1982.
CUJO, by Stephen King.
Profanity and strong sexual content cited as reasons for opposition.
Banned by Washington County, Alabama, Board of Education, 1985;
challenged by Rankin County, Mississippi, School District, 1984;
removed from Bradford, New York, school library, 1985;
rejected for purchase by Hayward, California, school trustees, 1985.
DEATH OF A SALESMAN, by Arthur Miller.
Cited for profanity.
Banned by Spring Valley Community High School, French Lick, Indiana,
1981;
challenged by Dallas, Texas, Independent School District high school
libraries, 1974.
THE DEVIL'S ALTERNATE, by Frederick Forsyth.
Removed by Evergreen School District, Vancouver, Washington, 1983.
THE DIARY OF A YOUNG GIRL, by Anne Frank.
Objections to sexually offensive passages.
Challenged by Wise County, Virginia, 1982;
Alabama State Book Committee, 1983.
EAST OF EDEN, by John Steinbeck.
Considered "ungodly and obscene."
Removed from Anniston, Alabama, high school libraries, 1982;
Morris, Manitoba, school libraries, 1982.
A FAREWELL TO ARMS, by Ernest Hemingway.
Labeled as a "sex novel."
Challenged by Dallas, Texas, Independent School District high school
libraries, 1974;
Vernon-Verona-Sherill, New York, School District, 1980.
FIRESTARTER, by Stephen King.
Cited for "graphic descriptions of sexual acts, vulgar language and violence."
Challenged by Campbell County, Wyoming, school system, 1983-1984.
FLOWERS FOR ALGERNON, by Daniel Keyes.
Explicit, distasteful love scenes cited among reasons for opposition.
Banned by Plant City, Florida, 1976;
Emporium, Pennsylvania, 1977;
Glen Rose (Arkansas) High School library, 1981.
Challenged by Oberlin (Ohio) High School, 1983;
Glenrock (Wyoming) High School, 1984.
FLOWERS IN THE ATTIC, by V.C. Andrews.
Considered "dangerous" because it contains "offensive passages concerning
incest and sexual intercourse."
Challenged by Richmond (Rhode Island) High School, 1983.
FOREVER, by Judy Blume.
Detractors cite its "four-letter words and [talk] about masturbation, birth
control and disobedience to parents."
Challenged by Midvalley Junior-Senior High School library, Scranton,
Pennsylvania, 1982;
Orlando, Florida, schools, 1982;
Akron, Ohio, School District libraries, 1983;
Howard-Suamico (Wisconsin) High School, 1983;
Holdredge, Nebraska, Public Library, 1984;
Cedar Rapids, Iowa, Public Library, 1984;
Patrick County, Virginia, School Board, 1986;
Park Hill (Missouri) South Junior High School library,
1982.
THE GRAPES OF WRATH, by John Steinbeck.
Considered "dangerous" because of obscene language and the unfavorable
depiction of a former minister.
Banned in Kanawha, Iowa, 1980; Morris, Manitoba, 1982.
Challenged by Vernon-Verona-Sherill, New York, School District, 1980;
Richford, Vermonth, 1991.(?)
HARRIET THE SPY, by Louise Fitzhugh.
Considered "dangerous" because it "teaches children to lie, spy, back-talk
and curse."
Challenged by Xenia, Ohio, school libraries, 1983.
HUCKLEBERRY FINN, by Mark Twain.
Considered "dangerous" because of objectionable language and "racist" terms
and content.
Challenged by Winnetka, Illinois, 1976;
Warrington, Pennsylvania, 1981;
Davenport, Iowa, 1981;
Fairfax County, Virginia, 1982;
Houston, Texas, 1982;
State College, Pennsylvania, area school district
1983;
Springfield, Illinois, 1983
Waukegan, Illinois, 1984.
I KNOW WHY THE CAGED BIRD SINGS, by Maya Angelou.
Considered "dangerous" because it preaches "bitterness and hatred against
whites."
Challenged by Alabama State Textbook Committee, 1983.
GGIE'S HOUSE, by Judy Blume.
Challenged by Caspar, Wyoming, school libraries, 1984.
IT'S OKAY IF YOU DON'T LOVE ME, by Norma Klein.
Considered "dangerous" because it portrays "sex as the only thing on your
people's minds."
Banned in Haywood County, California, 1981.
Removed by Widefield (Colorado) High School, 1983;
Vancouver, Washington, School District, 1984.
THE LIVING BIBLE, by William C. Bower.
Considered "dangerous" because it is "a perverted commentary on the King James
Version."
Burned in Gastonia, North Carolina, 1986.
LORD OF THE FLIES, by William Golding.
Considered "demoralizing inasmuch as it implies that man is little more than
an animal."
Challenged by Dallas, Texas, Independent School District high school
libraries, 1974;
Sully Buttes (South Dakota) High School, 1981;
Owen (North Carolina) High School, 1981;
Marana (Arizona) High School, 1983;
Olney, Texas, Independent School District, 1984.
LOVE IS ONE OF THE CHOICES, by Norma Klein.
Removed from Evergreen School District, Vancouver, Washington, 1983.
THE MARTIAN CHRONICLES, by Ray Bradbury.
Profanity and the use of God's name in vain sparked opposition to this novel.
Challenged by Haines City (Florida) High School, 1982.
MATARESE CIRCLE, by Robert Ludlum.
"Unnecessarily rough language and sexual descriptions" caused opposition to
this novel.
Restricted (to students with parental consent) by Pierce (Nebraska)
High School, 1983.
THE MERCHANT OF VENICE, by William Shakespeare.
Objections to purported anti-Semitism.
Banned by Midland, Michigan, classrooms, 1980.
NINETEEN EIGHTY-FOUR, by George Orwell. Objections to pro- Communist material
and explicit sexual matter.
Challenged by Jackson County, Florida, 1981.
OF MICE AND MEN, by John Steinbeck.
Considered "dangerous" because of its profanity and "vulgar language."
Banned in Syracuse, Indiana, 1974;
Oil City, Pennsylvania, 1977;
Grand Blanc, Michigan, 1979;
Continental, Ohio, 1980l
Skyline High School, Scottsboro, Alabama, 1983.
Challenged by Greenville, South Carolina, 1977;
Vernon-Verona- Sherill, New York, School District, 1980;
St. David, Arizona, 1981;
Telly City, Indiana, 1982;
Knoxville, Tennessee, School Board, 1984.
ONE DAY IN THE LIFE OF IVAN DENISOVICH, by Alexander Solzhenitsyn.
Objectionable language.
Removed by Milton (New Hampshire) High School library, 1976.
Challenged by Mahwah, New Jersey, 1976;
Omak, Washington, 1979;
Mohawk Trail Regional High School, Buckland, Mass, 1981.
ONE FLEW OVER THE CUCKOO'S NEST, by Ken Kesey.
Removed from required reading list by Westport, Massachusetts, 1977.
Banned by Freemont High School, St. Anthony, Idaho. (Instructor was
fired.)
Challenged by Merrimack (New Hampshire) High School, 1982.
ORDINARY PEOPLE, bu Judith Guest.
Called "obscene" and "depressing."
Banned (temporarily) by Merrimack (New Hampshire) High School, 1982.
OTHERWISE KNOWN AS SHEILA THE GREAT, by Judy Blume.
Challenged by Caspar, Whyoming, school libraries, 1984.
THE PIGMAN, by Paul Zindel.
Considered "dangerous" because it features "liars, cheaters and stealers."
Challenged by Hillsboro, Missouri, School District, 1985.
THE RED PONY, by John Steinbeck.
Called a "filthy, trashy sex novel."
Challenged by Vernon-Verona-Sherill, New York, School District, 1980.
THE SEDUCTION OF PETER S., by Lawrence Sanders.
Called "blatantly graphic, pornographic and wholly unacceptable for a high
school library."
Burned by Stroudsburg (Pennsylvania) High School library, 1985.
A SEPARATE PEACE, by John Knowles.
Detractors cite offensive language and sex as dangerous elements in this novel.
Challenged by Vernon-Verona-Sherill, New York, School District, 1980;
Fannett-Metal High School, Shippensburg, Pa, 1985.
THE SHINING, by Stephen King.
Considered dangerous because it "contains violence and demonic possession and
ridicules the Christian religion."
Challenged by Campbell County, Wyoming, school system, 1983.
Banned by Washington County, Alabama, Board of Education, 1985.
SILAS MARNER, by George Eliot.
Banned by Union High School, Anaheim, California, 1978.
SLAUGHTERHOUSE-FIVE, by Kurt Vonnegut, Jr.
Considered "dangerous" because of violent, irreverent, profane and sexually
explicit content.
Burned in Drake, North Carolina, 1973;
Rochester, Michigan, 1972;
Levittown, New York, 1975;
North Jackson, Ohio, 1979;
Lakeland, Florida, 1982.
Barred from purchase by Washington Park High School, Racine, Wi, 1984.
Challenged by Owensboro (Kentucky) High School library, 1985.
SUPERFUDGE, by Judy Blume. Disapproval based on "profane, immoral and
offensive" content.
Challenged by Caspar, Wyoming, school libraries, 1984;
Bozeman, Montana, school libraries, 1985.
THAT WAS THEN, THIS IS NOW, by S.E. Hinton.
Objections to "graphic language, subject matter, immoral tone and lack of
literary quality."
Challenged by Pagosa Springs, Colorado, 1983.
TO KILL A MOCKINGBIRD, by Harper Lee.
Considered "dangerous" because of profanity and undermining of race relations.
Challenged (temporaily banned) in Eden Valley, Minnesota, 1977;
Vernon-Verona-Sherill, New York, School District, 1980;
Warren, Indiana, township schools, 1981;
Waukegan, Illinois, School District, 1984;
Kansas City, Missouri, junior high schools, 1985;
Park Hill (Missouri) Junior High School, 1985.
Protested by black parents and NAACP in Casa Grande (Arizona)
Elementary School District, 1985.
ULYSSES, by James Joyce.
"Given its long history of censorship, ULYSSES has rarely been selected for
high school libraries." -- Judith Krug, director, Office for Intellectual
Freedom, American Library Association, 1986.
UNCLE TOM'S CABIN, by Harriet B. Stowe.
Use of the word nigger caused opposition.
Challenged by Waukegan, Illinois, School District, 1984.
WHERE THE SIDEWALK ENDS, by Shel Silverstein.
Considered by opponents to undermine parental, school and religious authority.
Pulled from shelves for review by Minot, North Dakota, public school
libraries, 1986.
Challenged by Xenia, Ohio, school libraries, 1983..
Sources for all of the above information: American Library Association
RESOURCE BOOK FOR BANNED BOOK WEEK 1986 and the NEWSLETTER ON INTELLECTUAL
FREEDOM, published by the Office for Intellectual Freedom. Complete
documentation is available from the American Library Association.
----------------------------
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ONLY THE BEST FOR UNCLE SAM
There has been entirely too much nattering about excessive prices paid by our
government for things like hammers, toilet seats and coffee makers.
That's not to excuse such boondoggles It's just that we have all paid too much
for something now and again -- why expect the government to be different?
Sure, the Defense Department itself probably has five million procurement
specialists. But it's still a tough job to spend $300 billion or more just to
keep our rockets pointed in the right direction and our military clothed, fed
and shuttled around from post to post.
Lookit. You, over there in the back. Yes, you. You're complaining that a
really good hammer costs about $20 at the neighborhood hardware store, right?
But what about last Valentine's Day (which you had forgotten even though it's
your wedding anniversary also)? Remember? You went out and paid $75 for a
dozen red roses! Ha!
And YOU! You bought a perfectly fine new car last fall when the '85s came out
for $17,500. Right. Now that same model is advertised for $12,498. Ha!
And what about your wife who ordered that nightie from Frederick's of Hollywood
for $89 only to find the same thing on sale at Wal-Mart two weeks later for
$6.99? Ha!
Let's get back to those 5 million procurement specialists for a sec'. Even if
there were actually that many (and there aren't), each would have to personally
spend about $6 million of the Defense budget in a year's time just to keep up.
When was the last time YOU managed to spend $6 million? Most of us will have a
hard time going through $500,000 in a lifetime. Half-a-million bucks A
pittance.
I'll bet if you had to procure as much stuff with as much red tape as those
civil and military people do, you'd have a boondoggle or two in your attic, too.
What about the time your whole family got together and decided to jointly buy
that condo in Nicaragua? How long has it been since the Sandinista took it over
for a command post? What is it they're paying you to rent it? Nothing?? Ha!
Turn the tables for a moment. Let's say you have to go out and buy a Star Wars
-- er, Strategic Defense Initiative. They're not sold off the shelf like
Cabbage Patch Kids, you know; they're custom made. Do you think the sheet metal
fabricator who works in the back of that motorcycle shop down the road could
come up with one any cheaper than what our government is going to pay? Heck,
even George Lucas had to spend upwards of $10 million for all that clay and
plastic stuff in his movies, and it's all fake.
Now, here's the most telling point of all: What was your tax bill last year?
Three, four thousand? Ten grand? Did you get what you paid for? Will you
EVER? That's gotta be the biggest boondoggle of them all. Ha!


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Feel free to copy this article far and wide, but please
keep my name and this sentence on it.
The Bill of Rights, a Status Report
by Eric Postpischil
4 September 1990
6 Hamlett Drive, Apt. 17
Nashua, NH 03062
edp@jareth.enet.dec.com
How many rights do you have? You should check, because it
might not be as many today as it was a few years ago, or
even a few months ago. Some people I talk to are not
concerned that police will execute a search warrant without
knocking or that they set up roadblocks and stop and
interrogate innocent citizens. They do not regard these as
great infringements on their rights. But when you put
current events together, there is information that may be
surprising to people who have not yet been concerned: The
amount of the Bill of Rights that is under attack is
alarming.
Let's take a look at the Bill of Rights and see which
aspects are being pushed on or threatened. The point here
is not the degree of each attack or its rightness or
wrongness, but the sheer number of rights that are under
attack.
Amendment I
Congress shall make no law respecting an
establishment of religion, or prohibiting the
free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom
of speech, or of the press; or the right of the
people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the
Government for a redress of grievances.
ESTABLISHING RELIGION: While campaigning for his first
term, George Bush said "I don't know that atheists should
be considered as citizens, nor should they be considered
patriots." Bush has not retracted, commented on, or
clarified this statement, in spite of requests to do so.
According to Bush, this is one nation under God. And
apparently if you are not within Bush's religious beliefs,
you are not a citizen. Federal, state, and local
governments also promote a particular religion (or,
occasionally, religions) by spending public money on
religious displays.
FREE EXERCISE OF RELIGION: Robert Newmeyer and Glenn
Braunstein were jailed in 1988 for refusing to stand in
respect for a judge. Braunstein says the tradition of
rising in court started decades ago when judges entered
carrying Bibles. Since judges no longer carry Bibles,
Braunstein says there is no reason to stand -- and his
Bible tells him to honor no other God. For this religious
practice, Newmeyer and Braunstein were jailed and are now
suing.
FREE SPEECH: We find that technology has given the
government an excuse to interfere with free speech.
Claiming that radio frequencies are a limited resource, the
government tells broadcasters what to say (such as news and
public and local service programming) and what not to say
(obscenity, as defined by the Federal Communications
Commission [FCC]). The FCC is investigating Boston PBS
station WGBH-TV for broadcasting photographs from the
Mapplethorpe exhibit.
FREE SPEECH: There are also laws to limit political
statements and contributions to political activities. In
1985, the Michigan Chamber of Commerce wanted to take out
an advertisement supporting a candidate in the state house
of representatives. But a 1976 Michigan law prohibits a
corporation from using its general treasury funds to make
independent expenditures in a political campaign. In
March, the Supreme Court upheld that law. According to
dissenting Justice Kennedy, it is now a felony in Michigan
for the Sierra Club, the American Civil Liberties Union, or
the Chamber of Commerce to advise the public how a
candidate voted on issues of urgent concern to their
members.
FREE PRESS: As in speech, technology has provided another
excuse for government intrusion in the press. If you
distribute a magazine electronically and do not print
copies, the government doesn't consider you a press and
does not give you the same protections courts have extended
to printed news. The equipment used to publish Phrack, a
worldwide electronic magazine about phones and hacking, was
confiscated after publishing a document copied from a Bell
South computer entitled "A Bell South Standard Practice
(BSP) 660-225-104SV Control Office Administration of
Enhanced 911 Services for Special Services and Major
Account Centers, March, 1988." All of the information in
this document was publicly available from Bell South in
other documents. The government has not alleged that the
publisher of Phrack, Craig Neidorf, was involved with or
participated in the copying of the document. Also, the
person who copied this document from telephone company
computers placed a copy on a bulletin board run by Rich
Andrews. Andrews forwarded a copy to AT&T officials and
cooperated with authorities fully. In return, the Secret
Service (SS) confiscated Andrews' computer along with all
the mail and data that were on it. Andrews was not charged
with any crime.
FREE PRESS: In another incident that would be comical if
it were not true, on March 1 the SS ransacked the offices
of Steve Jackson Games (SJG); irreparably damaged property;
and confiscated three computers, two laser printers,
several hard disks, and many boxes of paper and floppy
disks. The target of the SS operation was to seize all
copies of a game of fiction called GURPS Cyberpunk. The
Cyberpunk game contains fictitious break-ins in a
futuristic world, with no technical information of actual
use with real computers, nor is it played on computers.
The SS never filed any charges against SJG but still
refused to return confiscated property.
PEACEABLE ASSEMBLY: The right to assemble peaceably is no
longer free -- you have to get a permit. Even that is not
enough; some officials have to be sued before they realize
their reasons for denying a permit are not Constitutional.
PEACEABLE ASSEMBLY: In Alexandria, Virginia, there is a
law that prohibits people from loitering for more than
seven minutes and exchanging small objects. Punishment is
two years in jail. Consider the scene in jail: "What'd
you do?" "I was waiting at a bus stop and gave a guy a
cigarette." This is not an impossible occurrence: In
Pittsburgh, Eugene Tyler, 15, has been ordered away from
bus stops by police officers. Sherman Jones, also 15, was
accosted with a police officer's hands around his neck
after putting the last bit of pizza crust into his mouth.
The police suspected him of hiding drugs.
PETITION FOR REDRESS OF GRIEVANCES: Rounding out the
attacks on the first amendment, there is a sword hanging
over the right to petition for redress of grievances.
House Resolution 4079, the National Drug and Crime
Emergency Act, tries to "modify" the right to habeas
corpus. It sets time limits on the right of people in
custody to petition for redress and also limits the courts
in which such an appeal may be heard.
Amendment II
A well regulated Militia, being necessary to the
security of a free State, the right of the people
to keep and bear Arms, shall not be infringed.
RIGHT TO BEAR ARMS: This amendment is so commonly
challenged that the movement has its own name: gun
control. Legislation banning various types of weapons is
supported with the claim that the weapons are not for
"legitimate" sporting purposes. This is a perversion of
the right to bear arms for two reasons. First, the basis
of freedom is not that permission to do legitimate things
is granted to the people, but rather that the government is
empowered to do a limited number of legitimate things --
everything else people are free to do; they do not need to
justify their choices. Second, should the need for defense
arise, it will not be hordes of deer that the security of a
free state needs to be defended from. Defense would be
needed against humans, whether external invaders or
internal oppressors. It is an unfortunate fact of life
that the guns that would be needed to defend the security
of a state are guns to attack people, not guns for sporting
purposes.
Firearms regulations also empower local officials, such as
police chiefs, to grant or deny permits. This results in
towns where only friends of people in the right places are
granted permits, or towns where women are generally denied
the right to carry a weapon for self-defense.
Amendment III
No Soldier shall, in time of peace be quartered
in any house, without the consent of the Owner,
nor in time of war, but in a manner to be
prescribed by law.
QUARTERING SOLDIERS: This amendment is fairly clean so
far, but it is not entirely safe. Recently, 200 troops in
camouflage dress with M-16s and helicopters swept through
Kings Ridge National Forest in Humboldt County, California.
In the process of searching for marijuana plants for four
days, soldiers assaulted people on private land with M-16s
and barred them from their own property. This might not be
a direct hit on the third amendment, but the disregard for
private property is uncomfortably close.
Amendment IV
The right of the people to be secure in their
persons, houses, papers and effects, against
unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be
violated, and no Warrants shall issue, but upon
probable cause, supported by Oath or affirmation,
and particularly describing the place to be
searched, and the persons or things to be seized.
RIGHT TO BE SECURE IN PERSONS, HOUSES, PAPERS AND EFFECTS
AGAINST UNREASONABLE SEARCHES AND SEIZURES: The RICO law
is making a mockery of the right to be secure from seizure.
Entire stores of books or videotapes have been confiscated
based upon the presence of some sexually explicit items.
Bars, restaurants, or houses are taken from the owners
because employees or tenants sold drugs. In Volusia
County, Florida, Sheriff Robert Vogel and his officers stop
automobiles for contrived violations. If large amounts of
cash are found, the police confiscate it on the PRESUMPTION
that it is drug money -- even if there is no other evidence
and no charges are filed against the car's occupants. The
victims can get their money back only if they prove the
money was obtained legally. One couple got their money
back by proving it was an insurance settlement. Two other
men who tried to get their two thousand dollars back were
denied by the Florida courts.
RIGHT TO BE SECURE IN PERSONS, HOUSES, PAPERS AND EFFECTS
AGAINST UNREASONABLE SEARCHES AND SEIZURES: A new law goes
into effect in Oklahoma on January 1, 1991. All property,
real and personal, is taxable, and citizens are required to
list all their personal property for tax assessors,
including household furniture, gold and silver plate,
musical instruments, watches, jewelry, and personal,
private, or professional libraries. If a citizen refuses
to list their property or is suspected of not listing
something, the law directs the assessor to visit and enter
the premises, getting a search warrant if necessary. Being
required to tell the state everything you own is not being
secure in one's home and effects.
NO WARRANTS SHALL ISSUE, BUT UPON PROBABLE CAUSE, SUPPORTED
BY OATH OR AFFIRMATION: As a supporting oath or
affirmation, reports of anonymous informants are accepted.
This practice has been condoned by the Supreme Court.
PARTICULARLY DESCRIBING THE PLACE TO BE SEARCHED AND
PERSONS OR THINGS TO BE SEIZED: Today's warrants do not
particularly describe the things to be seized -- they list
things that might be present. For example, if police are
making a drug raid, they will list weapons as things to be
searched for and seized. This is done not because the
police know of any weapons and can particularly describe
them, but because they allege people with drugs often have
weapons.
Both of the above apply to the warrant the Hudson, New
Hampshire, police used when they broke down Bruce Lavoie's
door at 5 a.m. with guns drawn and shot and killed him.
The warrant claimed information from an anonymous
informant, and it said, among other things, that guns were
to be seized. The mention of guns in the warrant was used
as reason to enter with guns drawn. Bruce Lavoie had no
guns. Bruce Lavoie was not secure from unreasonable search
and seizure -- nor is anybody else.
Other infringements on the fourth amendment include
roadblocks and the Boston Police detention of people based
on colors they are wearing (supposedly indicating gang
membership). And in Pittsburgh again, Eugene Tyler was
once searched because he was wearing sweat pants and a
plaid shirt -- police told him they heard many drug dealers
at that time were wearing sweat pants and plaid shirts.
Amendment V
No person shall be held to answer for a capital,
or otherwise infamous crime, unless on a
presentment or indictment of a Grand Jury, except
in cases arising in the land or naval forces, or
in the Militia, when in actual service in time of
War or public danger; nor shall any person be
subject to the same offence to be twice put in
jeopardy of life or limb; nor shall be compelled
in any criminal case to be a witness against
himself, nor be deprived of life, liberty, or
property, without due process of law; nor shall
private property be taken for public use without
just compensation.
INDICTMENT OF A GRAND JURY: Kevin Bjornson has been
proprietor of Hydro-Tech for nearly a decade and is a
leading authority on hydroponic technology and cultivation.
On October 26, 1989, both locations of Hydro-Tech were
raided by the Drug Enforcement Administration. National
Drug Control Policy Director William Bennett has declared
that some indoor lighting and hydroponic equipment is
purchased by marijuana growers, so retailers and
wholesalers of such equipment are drug profiteers and
co-conspirators. Bjornson was not charged with any crime,
nor subpoenaed, issued a warrant, or arrested. No illegal
substances were found on his premises. Federal officials
were unable to convince grand juries to indict Bjornson.
By February, they had called scores of witnesses and
recalled many two or three times, but none of the grand
juries they convened decided there was reason to criminally
prosecute Bjornson. In spite of that, as of March, his
bank accounts were still frozen and none of the inventories
or records had been returned. Grand juries refused to
indict Bjornson, but the government is still penalizing
him.
TWICE PUT IN JEOPARDY OF LIFE OR LIMB: Members of the
McMartin family in California have been tried two or three
times for child abuse. Anthony Barnaby was tried for
murder (without evidence linking him to the crime) three
times before New Hampshire let him go.
COMPELLED TO BE A WITNESS AGAINST HIMSELF: Oliver North
was forced to testify against himself. Congress granted
him immunity from having anything he said to them being
used as evidence against him, and then they required him to
talk. After he did so, what he said was used to find other
evidence which was used against him. The courts also play
games where you can be required to testify against yourself
if you testify at all.
COMPELLED TO BE A WITNESS AGAINST HIMSELF: In the New York
Central Park assault case, three people were found guilty
of assault. But there was no physical evidence linking
them to the crime; semen did not match any of the
defendants. The only evidence the state had was
confessions. To obtain these confessions, the police
questioned a 15-year old without a parent present -- which
is illegal under New York state law. Police also refused
to let the subject's Big Brother, an attorney for the
Federal government, see him during questioning. Police
screamed "You better tell us what we want to hear and
cooperate or you are going to jail," at 14-year-old Antron
McCray, according to Bobby McCray, his father. Antron
McCray "confessed" after his father told him to, so that
police would release him. These people were coerced into
bearing witness against themselves, and those confessions
were used to convict them.
COMPELLED TO BE A WITNESS AGAINST HIMSELF: Your answers to
Census questions are required by law, with a $100 penalty
for each question not answered. But people have been
evicted for giving honest Census answers. According to the
General Accounting Office, one of the most frequent ways
city governments use census information is to detect
illegal two-family dwellings. This has happened in
Montgomery County, Maryland; Pullman, Washington; and Long
Island, New York. The August 8, 1989, Wall Street Journal
reports this and other ways Census answers have been used
against the answerers.
COMPELLED TO BE A WITNESS AGAINST HIMSELF: Drug tests are
being required from more and more people, even when there
is no probable cause, no accident, and no suspicion of drug
use. Requiring people to take drug tests compels them to
provide evidence against themselves.
DEPRIVED OF LIFE, LIBERTY, OR PROPERTY WITHOUT DUE PROCESS
OF LAW: This clause is violated on each of the items life,
liberty, and property. Incidents including such violations
are described elsewhere in this article. Here are two
more: On March 26, 1987, in Jeffersontown, Kentucky,
Jeffrey Miles was killed by police officer John Rucker, who
was looking for a suspected drug dealer. Rucker had been
sent to the wrong house; Miles was not wanted by police.
He received no due process. In Detroit, $4,834 was seized
from a grocery store after dogs detected traces of cocaine
on three one-dollar bills in a cash register.
PRIVATE PROPERTY TAKEN FOR PUBLIC USE WITHOUT JUST
COMPENSATION: RICO is shredding this aspect of the Bill of
Rights. The money confiscated by Sheriff Vogel goes
directly into Vogel's budget; it is not regulated by the
legislature. Federal and local governments seize and
auction boats, buildings, and other property. Under RICO,
the government is seizing property without due process.
The victims are required to prove not only that they are
not guilty of a crime, but that they are entitled to their
property. Otherwise, the government auctions off the
property and keeps the proceeds.
Amendment VI
In all criminal prosecutions, the accused shall
enjoy the right to a speedy and public trial, by
an impartial jury of the State and district
wherein the crime shall have been committed,
which district shall have been previously
ascertained by law, and to be informed of the
nature and cause of the accusation; to be
confronted with the witnesses against him; to
have compulsory process for obtaining Witnesses
in his favor, and to have the assistance of
counsel for his defence.
THE RIGHT TO A SPEEDY AND PUBLIC TRIAL: Surprisingly, the
right to a public trial is under attack. When Marion Barry
was being tried, the prosecution attempted to bar Louis
Farrakhan and George Stallings from the gallery. This
request was based on an allegation that they would send
silent and "impermissible messages" to the jurors. The
judge initially granted this request. One might argue that
the whole point of a public trial is to send a message to
all the participants: The message is that the public is
watching; the trial had better be fair.
BY AN IMPARTIAL JURY: The government does not even honor
the right to trial by an impartial jury. US District Judge
Edward Rafeedie is investigating improper influence on
jurors by US marshals in the Enrique Camarena case. US
marshals apparently illegally communicated with jurors
during deliberations.
OF THE STATE AND DISTRICT WHEREIN THE CRIME SHALL HAVE BEEN
COMMITTED: This is incredible, but Manuel Noriega is being
tried so far away from the place where he is alleged to
have committed crimes that the United States had to invade
another country and overturn a government to get him. Nor
is this a unique occurrence; in a matter separate from the
Camarena case, Judge Rafeedie was asked to dismiss charges
against Mexican gynecologist Dr. Humberto Alvarez Machain
on the grounds that the doctor was illegally abducted from
his Guadalajara office in April and turned over to US
authorities.
TO BE INFORMED OF THE NATURE AND CAUSE OF THE ACCUSATION:
Steve Jackson Games, nearly put out of business by the raid
described previously, has been stonewalled by the SS. "For
the past month or so these guys have been insisting the
book wasn't the target of the raid, but they don't say what
the target was, or why they were critical of the book, or
why they won't give it back," Steve Jackson says. "They
have repeatedly denied we're targets but don't explain why
we've been made victims." Attorneys for SJG tried to find
out the basis for the search warrant that led to the raid
on SJG. But the application for that warrant was sealed by
order of the court and remained sealed at last report, in
July. Not only has the SS taken property and nearly
destroyed a publisher, it will not even explain the nature
and cause of the accusations that led to the raid.
TO BE CONFRONTED WITH THE WITNESSES AGAINST HIM: The courts
are beginning to play fast and loose with the right to
confront witnesses. Watch out for anonymous witnesses and
videotaped testimony.
TO HAVE COMPULSORY PROCESS FOR OBTAINING WITNESSES: Ronald
Reagan resisted submitting to subpoena and answering
questions about Irangate, claiming matters of national
security and executive privilege. A judge had to dismiss
some charges against Irangate participants because the
government refused to provide information subpoenaed by the
defendants. And one wonders if the government would go
to the same lengths to obtain witnesses for Manuel Noriega
as it did to capture him.
TO HAVE THE ASSISTANCE OF COUNSEL: The right to assistance
of counsel took a hit recently. Connecticut Judge Joseph
Sylvester is refusing to assign public defenders to people
ACCUSED of drug-related crimes, including drunk driving.
TO HAVE THE ASSISTANCE OF COUNSEL: RICO is also affecting
the right to have the assistance of counsel. The
government confiscates the money of an accused person,
which leaves them unable to hire attorneys. The IRS has
served summonses nationwide to defense attorneys, demanding
the names of clients who paid cash for fees exceeding
$10,000.
Amendment VII
In Suits at common law, where the value in
controversy shall exceed twenty dollars, the
right of trial by jury shall be preserved, and no
fact tried by a jury, shall be otherwise
reexamined in any Court of the United States,
than according to the rules of common law.
RIGHT OF TRIAL BY JURY IN SUITS AT COMMON LAW: This is a
simple right; so far the government has not felt threatened
by it and has not made attacks on it that I am aware of.
This is our only remaining safe haven in the Bill of Rights.
Amendment VIII
Excessive bail shall not be required, nor
excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual
punishments inflicted.
EXCESSIVE BAIL AND FINES: Tallahatchie County in
Mississippi charges ten dollars a day to each person who
spends time in the jail, regardless of the length of stay
or the outcome of their trial. This means innocent people
are forced to pay. Marvin Willis was stuck in jail for 90
days trying to raise $2,500 bail on an assault charge. But
after he made that bail, he was kept imprisoned because he
could not pay the $900 rent Tallahatchie demanded. Nine
former inmates are suing the county for this practice.
CRUEL AND UNUSUAL PUNISHMENTS: House Resolution 4079
sticks its nose in here too: "... a Federal court shall
not hold prison or jail crowding unconstitutional under the
eighth amendment except to the extent that an individual
plaintiff inmate proves that the crowding causes the
infliction of cruel and unusual punishment of that
inmate."
CRUEL AND UNUSUAL PUNISHMENTS: A life sentence for selling
a quarter of a gram of cocaine for $20 -- that is what
Ricky Isom was sentenced to in February in Cobb County,
Georgia. It was Isom's second conviction in two years, and
state law imposes a mandatory sentence. Even the judge
pronouncing the sentence thinks it is cruel; Judge Tom
Cauthorn expressed grave reservations before sentencing
Isom and Douglas Rucks (convicted of selling 3.5 grams of
cocaine in a separate but similar case). Judge Cauthorn
called the sentences "Draconian."
Amendment IX
The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain
rights, shall not be construed to deny or
disparage others retained by the people.
OTHER RIGHTS RETAINED BY THE PEOPLE: This amendment is so
weak today that I will ask not what infringements there are
on it but rather what exercise of it exists at all? What
law can you appeal to a court to find you not guilty of
violating because the law denies a right retained by you?
Amendment X
The powers not delegated to the United States by
the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the
States, are reserved to the States respectively,
or to the people.
POWERS RESERVED TO THE STATES OR THE PEOPLE: This
amendment is also weak, although it is not so nonexistent
as the ninth amendment. But few states set their own speed
limits or drinking age limits. Today, we mostly think of
this country as the -- singular -- United States, rather
than a collection of states. This concentration of power
detaches laws from the desires of people -- and even of
states. House Resolution 4079 crops up again here -- it
uses financial incentives to get states to set specific
penalties for certain crimes. Making their own laws
certainly must be considered a right of the states, and
this right is being infringed upon.
Out of ten amendments, nine are under attack, most of them
under multiple attacks of different natures, and some of
them under a barrage. If this much of the Bill of Rights
is threatened, how can you be sure your rights are safe? A
right has to be there when you need it. Like insurance,
you cannot afford to wait until you need it and then set
about procuring it or ensuring it is available. Assurance
must be made in advance.
The bottom line here is that your rights are not safe. You
do not know when one of your rights will be violated. A
number of rights protect accused persons, and you may think
it is not important to protect the rights of criminals.
But if a right is not there for people accused of crimes,
it will not be there when you need it. With the Bill of
Rights in the sad condition described above, nobody can be
confident they will be able to exercise the rights to which
they are justly entitled. To preserve our rights for
ourselves in the future, we must defend them for everybody
today.

View File

@@ -0,0 +1,814 @@
Voila. Une miracle formidable! ;)))
Issue number two of Breakaway is here!
And this time, my Internet account won't make any trouble, 'cause
I've got a brand new account. So be sure to test it by submitting to
<vidarh@powertech.no> ;-)
By the way, a notice about the trouble with my account went out
to about half of the subscribers. To those who didn't receive it:
- If you have asked me questions, and didn't get any replies,
please mail me again.
- If you still haven't received issue #1, notify me.
Vidar Hokstad
Editor
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
BEGIN BREAKAWAY.002
B R E A K A W A Y
Debates on modern marxism
-+*+-
Issue no. 2, volume no. 1
June/July 1994
=======================================================================
CONTENTS
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
(00) EDITORIAL
(01) column: WHAT'S UP?
Some informal notes on issues we want to tell you about
(02) FIRST VICTIM OF THE REVOLUTION
Another poem...
(03) AUGUST MEETING
Red Forum needs a platform.
(04) column: A SEARCHLIGHT ON INTERNET
Revolutionary resources on the information highway
(05) column: READERS COMMENTS
got anything to say? do it here.
(06) series: FOR A NEW BEGINNING (1 of 2)
a critique of secterianism
(07) GENERAL INFORMATION
How and what to submit, how to contact us, etc.
=======================================================================
(00) EDITORIAL
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Finally. Summer's coming. At least it gets hotter in the air here
up north.
So. Time to liven up. But where are we heading? How will we work
to get a step or two closer towards our goals the last half of 1994?
For we can't just sit back and dream. Revolution won't grow on
dreams.
Submissions might be one way to do something. Because unity can
only be achieved if we know what other people think; if we know what
we think ourselves.
By submissions, I'm naturally fishing for articles for Breakaway,
but not only that. In general: Write, submit, make noise. If you write
well, even bourgeois papers might occasionally print. And when they
don't: Complain, call the editor, resubmit your piece to another,
more progressive newspaper and tell them who didn't want to print it,
and what excuse they gave.
It's worth a try. Even if the only result is that *one* reader
takes the trouble of learning more about socialism.
It's up to you. Overflow your local newspaper with articles and
comments. And if they don't publish, maybe we will...
Keep writing!
Vidar Hokstad
Editor
BTW: I may not have made this clear enough before, so I make sure
I do this time. The contents of this zine need not reflect the policy
of Red Forum, even when I it's written by me. Unless an expressivly
say so, the views presented are those of the author.
=======================================================================
(01) column: WHAT'S UP?
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
- Thursday 20th May, a meeting in the executive committee of the
Norwegian Communist Party's (NKP) section in Oslo and Akershus
declared to be in favor of supporting a computer project suggested
by Red Forum / IC economically.
Suggested investments went up to 50.000 NOK (7500 USD), with
RF/IC paying an additional 4000 USD over a 5 year period,
allowing RF / IC to start it's own BBS with UUCP connection to
USENET, in addition to using the system for DTP.
Unfortunately, on a meeting the 15th of June, the final decision
were postponed until August. However, it is clear that RFIC will
probably set up a UUCP site whatever the NCP decides.
On the meeting on the 15th, critique against the project was
mainly directed towards the emphasis on information gathering
through electronic media, and the role of RFIC. An important
argument for the project is that the NCP will be unable to
provide the same facilities for producing it's party news-
paper without cooperation with RFIC.
- Breakaway #1 was advertized in three rounds in a series of USENET
conferences, and by June 28th, it had been distributed to
subscribers from USA, Canada, UK, Norway, Australia, France,
Spain, South-Africa, Ireland and Germany. I continued getting
responses to one of the posts for more than 6 weeks after it
was posted.
- Bourgeois censorship? The postal strike[1] in northern Germany
throughout this month was barely mentioned in Norwegian media. It
was if the whole thing wasn't happening, and our only source for
updated info turned out to be GermNews <germnews@vm.gmd.de> (news
from Germany in German, edited by some guy in Berlin).
But really, we should've expected this. Telling people about
the suggested "Postreform II", which in essence is the bourgeois
forces in the Bundestags attempt at selling the entire German
postal service to the highest-bidder, would certainly not
increase the popularity of the European Union which our social-
democratic government continues to insist is the best way to
secure social-democratic values (Notice that they stopped saying
"socialist values" about 15 years ago...).
Breakaway welcomes your comments on this and similar matters.
Do you find news on the net or elsewhere which is ignored by
bourgeoise newspapers and TV-stations? Tell us about it.
- Norwegians: In a short time, if everything turn out the way we
want to, we will be able to distribute selected articles from
"Friheten" through e-mail. Mail me if you want to subscribe.
This is meant to be the first step in providing material from
leftist newspapers through e-mail, and in a few weeks several
other revolutionary newspapers in Norway will receive the
same offer.
Be sure to specify whether you only want to receive the index
(to request selected articles later), or the full text.
We also welcome initiative from our subscribers when it
comes to providing material from newspapers outside Norway.
- Information about membership in Red Forum / IC can now
be obtained from me. Request the file info/Membership.
- Request submission guidelines by asking for the file
info/Submissions
----
[1] The German "postal" service includes the divisions "Postbank" and
"Telecom" in addition to mail delivery, and have about 670.000
employees.
=======================================================================
(02) FIRST VICTIM OF THE REVOLUTION
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
I saw a glimpse
of our future tonight.
Misery were thrown toward my eyes,
opression like today,
but most of all a spark
of hope.
In each and every
socalled "home"
man discussed his future.
Misery forced him
into action.
And as days went by in pain,
there were each and every day
another one
that whispered in the dark
a little,
long forgotten,
word.
But fear
it brought
when someone
in broad daylight
stood up straight and
dared to scream
- Revolution
and was shot.
=======================================================================
(03) AUGUST MEETING
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
It is quite some time since Red Forum was formed, and it was
decided to prepare a basic platform. Not much have been done, and now
summer's threatening :-) Meetings close to summer vacation have to
many times proved _impossible_... So, final decision concerning our
platform have been postponed until August.
But that does not mean that we won't do any work before that.
Presented here are some of the results of what have been done, with
explanations of the circumstances under which it has been done.
We hereby invite all RF / IC members, as well as Breakaway readers,
and others, to send us comments, alternative platforms (or just the
platform of _your_ favorite organization), criticism etc. We promise
that any input will be discussed at our meeting (unless we are drowning
in documents...), and at least an extensive summary of what we receive
will be published in Breakaway.
Since we plan to include as much as possible in Breakaway, and
to make as much of what we can't include in Breakaway publicly
accessibly by other means (from this autumn hopefully a series of
listserv / mailserver services), to as wide a public as possible,
we would prefer to receive documents in English, but if a) you have
printed documents you think would be of interest, or b) you feel
unable to express your ideas clear enough in English, we will at least
read, and quite possibly also translate, documents received in French,
German, Norwegian, Swedish and Danish.
Vidar Hokstad <vidarh@powertech.no>
Red Forum / Internationalists Committee
PS: Unfortunately, it has during my work on issue #2 of Breakaway
become clear that the person that were supposed to provide us with a
draft for discussion haven't been able to do so in time. The
mauscript, or another draft, will therefore make it to Breakaway at
earliest in time for Breakaway #3.
Because of this, this section may seems a litle strange. It was
meant to include the draft, in addition to two or three other short
pieces with comments, which all have been left out.
VIDAR HOKSTAD: On the "Oslo meeting" in February
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
It was still winter, and cold. Colder than the last years. The
streets were filled with snow, and walking out of the train station, I
think we all wished we'd lived somewhere warmer.
We were fewer than expected as we reached the offices of the
Norwegian Communist Party, where our meeting were to be held. Still
the meeting was attended by members from a broad range of
organisations.
The agenda of the meeting was nothing less than to form a new
revolutionary organisation. It wasn't a new party we wanted to build,
but an organisation that could try to unify through open debate, and
to spread information about marxism to new people, outside our
movement, and especially youth.
As in many other industrialized countries, the revolutionary left
have since long been dying in Norway. After the maoist movement stopped
attracting new youth in the middle of the seventies, almost no more
members came, and the old ones literally started dying.
However, with Gorbachev, new hopes strated growing. Even though
many of us, looking back, believe that Gorbachev was a lousy leader,
he should still be admired for freeing the revolutionary movement of
the curse which the Soviet union, and the "socialist" countries in
eastern Europe have been.
Finally it was possible for us to talk freely about the sacred
dogmas, the fanatical love directed towards the October revolution
1917, the admiration of Stalin because of his warfare against Hitler
(how could he not fight Hitler, a man who treatened his reign, a
competitor for the "crown"?), without being insulted; being called
petty-bourgeois, traitor, or "worse": Trotskyite.[1]
The main part of our meeting consisted of avoiding "difficult"
matters. Red Forum was never meant to be an organisation with views
about everything - the different parties and groups have thos views.
Too many of them. We wanted an organisation open to everyone,
everywhere, that accepts a basic platform, that consider themselves
marxists and revolutionaries, that are consequent internationalists.
The firm programme, the strong party line, is not something that
can be voted on by a small group. The revolutionary party, in my
opinion an international party, can only be formed by uniting the
existing movement, by bringing at least the majority of existing
groups and tendencies together.
It will take years, but continuous debates internally in the
movement will sooner or later bring the unity that is neccesary;
an unity that will be forced upon us as the threat from capitalist
regimes in crisis, scared capitalists, grow stronger.
One of the results of these principles were that we decided to
wait before creating a thorough program. We agreed that instead,
for a few months, giving us time to discuss, and to bring more
people into the forum, the following would do:
- Red Forum is a forum for the discussion of Marxist theory and
politics based on a revolutionary, internationlist foundation.
This is the foundation on which we invite new people to join
Red Forum / IC (so let me se some new members now ;), and which
provide a minimal basis for the work we have started doing. It is
not a foundation that can give us easy solutions to the daily
political struggle, but for this we have our respective parties.
It is a foundation which we hope will bring together, at first,
a small, geographically and politically, widespread group of people
to discuss new ways for the Marxist movement to escape from the
secterianism that have polluted the left for decades.
Applications for membership are encouraged. No fees are charged
at present, but expect this to change after the August meeting.
V.H.
----
[1] But secteric organisations still claim to be a guiding light for us
all here too. It's less than a month ago a member of "the ML group
Revolution" published an article covering an entire A3 page in the NCP
party newspaper, trying to insult me by calling me a "pettybourgeois
trotskyite" after I had criticized Stalin in the same newspaper on the
1st of May.
=======================================================================
(04) column: A SEARCHLIGHT ON INTERNET
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
* Pathfinder Press
GOPHER: ftp.std.com in '/Book Sellers'
Pathfinder Press specializes in publishing revolutionary and
working-class leaders in their own words, including Malcolm X, Nelson
Mandela, Che Guevara, Fidel Castro, Karl Marx and Frederick Engels.
It should be noted that Pathfinder is closely related to Militant
if I'm not mistaken...
* Book Stacks Unlimited Inc.
TELNET: books.com
Even though they're certainly not "progressive", it is possible
to find quite a lot of books by leftist writers among their 270.000
titles, even Marx. From my position, with the prices of books here
in Norway, it seemed cheap.
* Agora BBS
TELNET: agora.stm.it
BBS of the Italian Radical party, supporting 7 different languages.
(English, French, German, Italian, Esperanto, Russian and Spanish If
I remember correcly, It's a long time since I tested it). Even though
the interface is cumbersome, the system might contain some useful
information.
=======================================================================
(05) READERS COMMENTS
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Notice that I will not usually reply to critique on political
issues in the same issue as the letter is published. Replies will be
published at _earliest_ the issue after the letter, however admin-
istrative questions and comments, as well as direct questions to me
will be answered at once.
Also, when you write to me, please state clearly whether your
comment is a submission or not. If you don't, don't blame me if I
don't treat them as you intended.
Ed.
----
To: Vidar
From: Jack Hill <mlbooks@mercury.mcs.com>
Dear Vidar,
I still haven't had time to work up any real thorough critique of the
first issue of Breakaway. However, I do have a few thoughts and
comments that I would like to share with you.
Let me say first of all that roughly speaking I agree with your
analysis of what is the situation facing Marxist theory and those who
want to apply it to the current political and economic struggles. What
I mean is that we agree that Marxism is essential for the liberation of
the working class and all the oppressed; that it has been trampled on,
distorted, and mutilated by a wide variety of forces who claimed to be
communists; that we face a huge struggle to restore the good name of
communism.
One place where I think we don't see completely eye to eye, is in how
to characterize the regimes in Russia, Eastern Europe, China and
elsewhere which abandoned Marxism (or in some cases, never followed
it). You seem to want to call all these bureaucratic regimes
"Stalinist". I'm not sure that is an adequate characterization. I do
think they were all state capitalist regimes, but they varied quite a
bit among themselves in terms of how they came to power, how they
maintained it, to what extent they had popular support. Maoism is a
revisionist theory but it is not the same as Stalinism. There are a
lot of varieties of revisionism in the world and we have to look at all
of them carefully. Another related point is that I think the evidence
is clear that the Chinese revolution in particular produced substantial
advances for the Chinese masses. In other words I think the Chinese
revolution was a genuine popular revolution although the party which
led it was not a proletarian Marxist-Leninist party. So that when we
denounce Maoism, we are not denouncing the epic revolutionary struggle
of the Chinese people.
Anyway, there is a lot of theoretical sorting out to do get rid of the
mountains of historical garbage and re-establish a genuine, scientific
and revolutionary Marxist theory. The Marxist-Leninist Party, in my
opinion, did some very good historical research into some of these
questions, but there are a lot more questions yet to be cleared up. As
one example, comrades in Chicago did very extensive research into the
women's movement and the struggles for women's liberation in early
Soviet Russia. We will be publishing a book bringing together our
articles and research in the next couple of months.
There is a lot more to be said on this but I don't have time right now.
I have a couple other less political comments. Personally I didn't
care much for the poem you published. I prefer literature which more
directly attacks the "system" in one way or another. Have you heard of
Struggle magazine? I'll send you a copy in the mail. The editor and I
have been politically associated for over 25 years.
The other point is not major and I'm not sure if I should ever mention
it but I will. I don't want to sound too harsh or overly critical, but
my point is that there were some spots in that first issue where the
English could have been improved. All your main points came through
clearly enough, so I don't want to make too big a deal out of this.
But for maximum clarity, it could probably use a little more work.
So, good job! Hang in there. I'm looking forward to the next issue.
While I'm at it I will send you a couple other things that I didn't
send you before. There is a May First leaflet we put out, an exchange
I had on PNEWS Conferences about the dissolution of the MLP, and the
editorial of Struggle magazine which I posted to PNEWS.
Keep up the struggle,
Jack Hill
----
Editors comments:
- When it comes to fiction, we'll probably annoy quite a few of you,
because a lot of what we publish will be experimental in a lot of ways,
and very much of it related to Cyberpunk. The reason? The taste of
the editor, and the people I relate to, and "steal" material from.
The only way to change this is by actually submitting...
So: All of you that write fiction, submit. That's the only way of
increasing the diversity of this zine.
- When it comes to improving grammar and style, please feel free to
comment. Especially help on which terms to use etc. will be
appreciated, as translating texts on politics in general, and marxism
in particular, demands quite a lot of terms that certainly can't be
translated directly, and were it often is little help in a dictionary.
The problem is certainly not reduced by the fact that we have to
rely on translations done entirely by people with English as their
second language.
If anyone feel they can contribute: I would be extremely grateful
if someone offers to read through material to check the language every
now and then, or, even better, volunteer to help translating when (if)
we get hold of material in languages you master.
Apart from that? Well, I _will_ give my views with regards to Jack's
other comments in the next issue, so watch out... ;)
=======================================================================
(06) FOR A NEW BEGINNING (1 of 2)
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
I received the following article from Dave Hollis some time ago, and
even though the article is quite long, I decided to edit it only
slightly. The unedited text is available on request. To let Dave
himself tell you about the background (quoted from the message he
sent me):
" The following article was written by myself for a conference of
people who came out of a trotskyist organisation. Over 1.5 years ago I
did so myself. The article is an attempt to elaborate experiences made
in German and the UK on the questions of sectarianism and democratic
centralism. "
FOR A NEW BEGINNING
Written by Dave Hollis <ln_dho@pki-nbg.philips.de>
Co-authored by Maggie McQuillan
Please contact the author before republishing the article.
It is lamentable that he [Ted Grant] has allowed his political
authority to be used by people whose main concern is not to
clarify ideas but to cause the maximum damage to Militant.
One unfortunate feature of political life is the spiteful urge
of former activists to justify their defection by hurling
allegations of heinous political crimes at their former
comrades.
(Militant, 24/1/1992)
The action to spread these lies outside the organisation, is a
despicable attempt to sabotage our work, which arises from
pure spite ...
(A Reply to PBy, RWe, JG)
The current developments in England come as no surprise to us. The
decision we took to leave over a year and a half ago was based on the
understanding that the new organisation was not fundamentally different
from the old one. We realised and said then that it was only a
question of time until a new split would take place. The formation of
the "Democratic Platform" days after the world conference was only an
harbinger of the events that were to follow.
I have avoided commenting up to now on the events taking place in the
"Socialist Appeal". Although a pamphlet was dedicated to us and we
were used as a stick to beat the "Democratic Platform" with, I chose to
remain silent. It was not a case of being unable to answer the
accusations and the points made, it was quite simply that I, and
others, had put this sect behind us.
Given that a discussion is now beginning to take place on how one
should go forward, I feel that the time is now appropriate to comment
on the current events, relate our experiences and put forward what I
consider has to be done. I recommend all Comrades to read the document
Bruno wrote shortly after we left, "How and what must be Discussed".
It contains a concise explanation of the state of thinking in Germany
at that time and what we considered to be the next steps.
Before I go into details, I would like to put the question of Pat's
role in Germany straight. Despite what the leaders of sect number two
think or want to believe, there was no secret activity between the
"Democratic Platform" and the German group. There was no one pulling
our strings. In addition, anyone with a degree of political
understanding could have seen that there were (and most probably are) a
number of political disagreements between us.
An author is often betrayed by the language used when writing or
speaking. This is very much case in the article "answering" Pat,
Julian and Roy. For instance, why does the second sect talk about a
"conspiracy"? Why do comrades act "in spite", and so on? It is
necessary to look into the reasons why people react in such a way. For
instance, why do members of such an organisation view those who leave
as "betrayers" who, to add insult to injury, are also considered to be
acting "in spite"?
The answer to these questions lies in understanding that we are dealing
here with a typical behaviour of a sect.
SECTS
One thing that strikes me when thinking back to the definition of a
sect in the Militant and Socialist Appeal, is the fact that a sect is
defined by its inability to build a mass base. At best, this
definition is only half the truth and at worse, it is totally false.
What characterises a sect is not its inability to build but its
internal workings - how the members relate to each other, how they
react to "outsiders", etc. A sect is a group of people who follow a
particular teaching and consider every other teaching to be wrong and
dangerous. To put it another way: a sect is the belief of a group of
people that their "model" of how society is to be interpreted is the
one and only truth.
This definition does not quite capture the real nature of a sect. What
is also important is that psychological factors play the main role. A
sect is held together by beliefs. Either you accept them and you are a
member, otherwise you have no place within it. The loyalty to the
organisation is not based on a conscious understanding of its aims, it
is loyalty to the group. The members "function", they mostly do not
act consciously. The smaller the organisation the greater the part
played by psychological factors. It is no accident that such
organisations have their idols and "great leaders". It is also no
accident that the feeling of "us" and "them" was nurtured in Militant
and Socialist Appeal. The "family feeling" is a prerequisite for the
functioning of a sect.
The Jehovah Witnesses have their bible, a Marxist organisation has the
works of Marx, Engels, Lenin, Trotsky or whoever.
This way of thinking leads unavoidably its members to considering those
who disagree with their point of view to be "not loyal", "spiteful",
out to cause damage, etc. Those who become "dissidents" are countered
in the main by insults and not by arguments. For most of the members
of Militant it was only necessary to put us into a particular
compartment, accuse us of departing from Marxism and that was that -
and it worked! In both sects we experienced this, I don't think I have
to elaborate further.
One particular analogy that springs to mind is that of looking at
membership of a sect as being like a marriage. To leave a sect is like
getting divorced. It is neither easy, nor is it without pain.
As is the case with other subjects, there is still a lot that needs to
be written on this. In passing, I would just like to mention the
following aspects not discussed in this article: martyrdom, sacrifices
for the cause and assimilation. They are worth an article in
themselves. Unfortunately, time is pressing - I want to finish this
article before your conference and not afterwards. One of the most
painful but most interesting revelations for me was the discovery that
the workings of a political and a religious sect are more less
identical and that all "cadre" organisations I have met up to know
operate in the same way.
At first I found it hard to believe this. Since leaving the second
sect, however, I have spoken with a number of people who were also
members of "cadre" organisations and have found out that the behaviour
experienced was always strikingly similar.
I can imagine the howls of rage at such statements. I hope, however,
that no one was offended. Whoever feels offended should think over
very carefully why this is the case.
There are many obvious behaviours that indicate the presence of a
political sect. A few examples: The inability to think for oneself,
the repetition of the "line", blind loyalty, the inability to question
a point of view, the "functioning" of the members, the inability to
understand someone else's point of view.
Comrades who do not believe this should ask themselves a few questions:
Did not the old organisations talk about their faith in the working
class? What place does "faith" have for people who consider themselves
to be "Marxists"? Either we are talking about a science or we are
talking about a religion. It is necessary to decide which of the two
possibilities we want. Why does the resolution on the founding of the
new (old) International talk about being based on the first four
congresses of the Communist International? Is it not obvious to anyone
who claims to be a Marxist that resolutions passed over seventy years
ago are very unlikely to have any bearing on the economical and
political situation of today? The references to the writings of the
'great teachers' are just as bad.
In passing, the attempt by such organisations to justify their program
and actions by reference to such things or people is religious activity
at its purest.
As we only know too well (see the resolution on the founding of the
"International" passed at Tarrogona), an attempt is made to build a
line of tradition backwards to particular "gurus" or whatever. The
organisation stands at the front of this line as the natural
continuation of the best traditions of the past. However, it is
overseen that this is religion. Religion is re-ligio - a backwards
connection to a mystical beginning.
Once a political organisation has laid claim to this "revolutionary
continuity", the question of a programme's content is also solved.
Either the timeless validity of programmes out of the past are insisted
upon or parts of various programmes are eclectically thrown together.
I remember very clearly Ted not being happy with our idea in Germany of
writing a new political program, i.e. a manifesto. "What do you need
it for, you have the Transitional Programme" -as if the world had stood
still for the past fifty years! It is no wonder that in such
organisations practices characteristic of religious sects quickly
manifest themselves ...
...continued in Breakaway #3
=======================================================================
(07) GENERAL INFORMATION
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
A reduced "General Information" column from now on, not to use
all the space repeating the same info...
Breakaway will be published as often as we have enough material.
"Enough" is at present about 30kb of text, but this might increase
if we get enough submissions. Under any circumstances we'll limit
ourselves to 30kb until we reach one issue every two weeks. (Probably
won't happen in your lifetime ;-)
The format is, as you can see, pure 7-bit ASCII.
Do you:
- want to subscribe?
- have an idea?
- have a question?
- want to submit, and want to know how?
Just send us a message, preferably by e-mail, and we'll send you
appropriate information as soon as possible. To ensure that we can
reply, please include your e-mail address in the body of the message.
SOME BRIEF NOTES ON SUBMISSIONS
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
* BREAKAWAY will accept articles from people belonging to all trends
or ideologies related to marxism, or from people who are simply
interested in marxist theory or practice.
* You should limit yourself to articles between 100 and 300 lines if
possible (shorter pieces will naturally also be accepted). If you
find that difficult, try to divide your article into shorter
sections suitable for publishing over two to four issues.
* We will publish most articles or news reports we receive concerning
marxist ideology, the actions of marxist organisations, or
information of importance to the average revolutionary. Also
fiction might be accepted (contact us for more info)
* We accept anonymous submissions. However, if you choose to do so,
we would prefer if you give us a pseudonym to use as your
signature.
How to contact Red Forum / Internationalists Committee:
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Editor : Vidar Hokstad
E-mail : <vidarh@powertech.no>
Snailmail : Boks 30, N-2001 Lillestroem, NORWAY
Tel. : +47 638 170 35 (5pm to 9pm GMT)
=======================================================================
Proletarians of all countries, unite!
=======================================================================
END BREAKAWAY.002

View File

@@ -0,0 +1,909 @@
Again delayed...
This time partly on purpose. Finally we've gotten a listserver to
take care of mailing out Breakaway, and I wanted to wait until it was all
set up, so that I didn't have to mail out hundreds of issues manually
again...
Vidar Hokstad <vidarh@powertech.no>
Editor
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
BEGIN BREAKAWAY.003
B R E A K A W A Y
Debates on modern marxism
-+*+-
Issue no. 3, volume no. 1
August/September 1994
=======================================================================
CONTENTS
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
(00) EDITORIAL
(01) column: WHAT'S UP?
Some informal notes on issues we want to tell you about
(02) STATE CAPITALISM AND STALINISM
An attempt at a reply to Jack Hills letter in issue #2
(04) column: A SEARCHLIGHT ON INTERNET
Revolutionary resources on the information highway
(05) column: ANNOUNCEMENTS
Red Orange ?!? What's that?
(06) series: FOR A NEW BEGINNING (2 of 2)
a critique of secterianism
(07) GENERAL INFORMATION
How and what to submit, how to contact us, etc.
=======================================================================
(00) EDITORIAL
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Thank you!
The last two months my mailbox have been overflowing. Allthough
the number of submissions still is low, the amount of subscription
requests, interesting info, and positive feedback mailed to me have
been overwealming.
It is certainly enough socialists out on the net to justify this
publication.
The beauty of the net, is the lack of distribution-problems due to
geographical issues. For a truly international movement, the net is a
blessing of similar importance today, as the railroad was when Marx and
Engels wrote their famous _Manifesto_[1]. What before took years, can
today be done in weeks - the human factor being the last barrier...
We are as users of the net witnessing capitalism create the
ultimate tool for the working class to use. The final weapon to turn
against them. An anarchic structure where the number of voices crying
out their opinions into cyberspace is finally more important than the
money of the bourgeoisie.
Watch the drama unfold, as capitalist companies struggle to make
net access available to us all at low cost, so that we can turn it
against them even more easily, or wither away as loosers in an ever
hardening competition.
Look around you, and see virtual worlds, empires, of information,
be created, live and die, in an accelerating cycle of "living
knowledge" - the net is a medium in which a creation will never be
finished, never will be finite, but always lies open for new
exploration and new enhancements.
Enter the age of the virtual commune...
Vidar Hokstad
Editor
----
[1] "And that union, to attain which the burghers of the Middle Ages,
with their miserable highways, required centuries, the modern
proletarian, thanks to railways, achieve in a few years."
=======================================================================
(01) column: WHAT'S UP?
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
- After a few series of adverts on a series of USENET conferences
and mailing-lists the numbers of subscribers practically went
through the roof. On 1th of July, shortly after my first round of
advertising for issue #2, 15 subscription requests arrived
during my less than an hour online that day (and several more had
arrived before I logged on), and that was only the beginning...
Breakaway is now distributed to subscribers in (sorted after
numbers of subscribers) USA, UK, Canada, France, Norway, Germany,
Ireland, Australia, South-Africa, Spain, Finland, New Zealand,
Sweden and South-Korea!
Most of our subscribers (approx. 60%) comes from the US. Breakaway
has also been uploaded to a few local BBS's around the world.
I would especially like to welcome our first subscriber in
South-Korea, who, in spite of the political oppression, still
takes the chance involved with subscribing to Breakaway. The
South-Korean government have, as naby of you will know, a
reputation for imprisoning revolutionaries, and I doubt they'd
like Breakaway very much...
- Breakaway is now archived in the ftp archive at
etext.archive.umich.edu in the directory /pub/Zines/Breakaway.
Another archive is expected soon...
- Red Forum have recently gotten it's own gopher archive at the
EDIN gopher. In addition to general information about Red Forum,
the archive also contains material from Breakaway, and a pointer
to the archive mentioned above. Try gopher to garnet.berkeley.edu,
port 1520, 1521 or 1522, and select "13. Political Movements and
Theory/", then "2. Socialist Political Groups/", and finally
"3. Non-US Socialist Organizations/" to find us.
- I've adjusted the size of Breakaway up to approx. 40kb from this
issue.
- The Red Forum meeting will be in late September or early October
instead of August.
- Two mailing-lists have been set up. One for Breakaway, and another
one as a discussion list for Breakaway subscribers and RFIC
members.
The address is "majordomo@powertech.no". Send a message with
"help" in the body to retrieve informations about the commands
at your disposal, or use "lists" to get a list of all the lists
administrated by Powertech (our service provider).
The discussion list may possibly not be set up correctly when you
read this. I'll post a short notice to the Breakaway mailing list
as soon as it is working. You will *NOT* be automatically
subscribed to this list even if you subscribe to Breakaway.
- Breakaway is now also available on WWW. Select the URL
"http://www.ifi.uio.no/~vidarh/" (my homepage) from Mosaic or Lynx,
or go directly to the Breakaway archive by adding "Breakaway/" to
the above URL. Starting with issue #4, most material will be
available on the web before it is being mailed out, since it
will be written in a custom SGML format, and converted to HTML
(for WWW), ASCII, and AmigaGuide.
For more info about World Wide Web, send mail to info@cern.ch
(automatic mailer)
The WWW editions will be _updated_ with current addresses, more
links etc. However, no new entries will be added.
=======================================================================
(02) STATE CAPITALISM AND STALINISM
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
An attempt at a reply to Jack Hills letter in issue #2, and more... [1]
I agree that naming all regimes "Stalinist" without a closer
examination, is to simple. But let me try to explain this
simplification.
Jack stated, in my opinion correctly, that the Chinese revolution
originated as a popular revolution despite the degeneration that
followed it, and the party that led it. This is an assertion that
seems to provide us with a major difference between the development in
China and Russia, as there are differences between Stalinism, defined
strictly as _Stalins theory and practice_, contrary to using Stalinism
in a broad sense for denoting any state capitalist regime using
communist symbolism, and Maoism.
And yes, Maoism is revisionistic where stalinism is reactionary.
While Stalinism were in effect, with it's bureaucratic system, trying to
reverse the process of building capitalism, Maoism was, at the time,
a force of liberation.
Even the Russian revolution was a popular revolution, allthough the
_October revolution_ did not have the support of the majority. In the
same way as the great French revolution of 1789 didn't consist of just
one attack on the establishment, but a series of struggles, the Russian
revolution was a process that at least must be said to include the
overthrowing of the Czar regime in February 1917, and later the October
Revolution, but which could be extended in both directions: Towards
the uprisings in 1905, and throughout the end of of Lenins life.
Or even further...
Some would even claim that the Russian revolution didn't finish it's
task before the State-Capitalist regime was overthrown, and Russia
finally got to experience the curse of developed capitalism in a
"free market" environment.
My opinion is that this is going too far. As always, history has
shown us some of it's innumerable variations, by providing us with a
series of "socialist" revolutions which all degenerated into state
capitalism. State capitalism has earned a position as an independent
stage in the development of our world at a place where we before only
knew the direct transition from feudalism to capitalism, as it had
happened in the developed countries.
State capitalism has earned a position as an intermediate step on
the underdeveloped countries way to capitalism, as socialism[2] by most
communists are seen as an intermediate step on our way towards
communism.
Again roughly simplified, Maoism played the role equivalent to the
role of Leninism in Russia. In the same way as Leninism, Maoism was an
adaption of Marxism to a severly underdeveloped, perhaps even non-existent
capitalism. It meant the inclusion of the poor peasants into the proletariat,
even though we have been able to witness how large parts of these peasants
didn't share the interests of the proletariat.
There's a lot to criticize about both Lenin and Mao, but there's little
doubt about their intent.
I don't feel I can say the same about Stalin. And it would be highly
unfair to call Mao China's Stalin.
True, good intent is no excuse for oppression, but there _is_ a
difference between unwillingly causing death by starvation, and organized,
well planned, executions. There _is_ a difference between causing the
creation of an oppressive regime by not foreseeing the consequences of
what you do, and actually intentionally strenghtening oppression.
Still the errors of Mao _and_ Lenin must be openly discussed, and
the crimes they _did_ commit condemned, as the actions of any revolutionary
must be constantly under attack by ourselves - we can't expect to win a war
against capitalism, if we don't dare to fight minor battles with our
comrades of fear that we might be wrong.
But we must also we very aware about what we are doing, and be careful
not to throw away the experiences, and ideas, that actually are worth using,
and developing.
What about state capitalism, then?
Certainly there must be valuable experiences to be extracted from the
state capitalist regimes, and conclusions to be made?
In opposition to some trends, I do not see state capitalism as a
highly developed capitalism, ready for the socialist revolution, but
as a backward regime created out of combining the political inheritance
from a feudalist past with the awakening capitalist economic structures.
As such, the development in China, towards a market economy controlled
by a highly totalitarian government is no surprise. Similar tendencies
could be seen in Europe during the early years of capitalist economy.
We just hadn't a good word for it until recently[3]
History always repeats itself, but it has a bad memory. It never
replicates the exact same patters over and over again. Like the
Mandelbrot set of fractals: the further you move from your point of
origin, the larger the differences, but changes never appear suddenly -
the patterns seems to go through a slow metamorphosis.
The revolutions of China and Russia have many differences. But
these are minor, cosmetic, differences. The main tendencies, the
radicalisation, and then degenerisation, of a bourgeoisie revolution,
are the same.
This tendency we find in every bourgeoisie revolution, but only
in the underdeveloped countries the bourgeoisie is weak enough to let
this radicalisation continue to a point where it causes the seizure
of state power by a vanguardist minority _strong enough to keep it_.
We remember from the French Revolution of 1789 a phase of
radicalisation. But this phase was ended by reactionary forces,
creating another dictature, and thus it isn't suitable for the
capitalists when they look for ways to fight communism.
They find their weapons in the "socialist" revolutions - the
revolutions where the bourgeoisie finds regimes that looks like
their visions of communism. For can their reign be ended without
replacing it with _another_ oppressive force? And won't this force
be the _state_? This is the nightmare the capitalists envision.
Their reign _will_ be replaced by new oppression. Not the state,
or rather not the state as in bourgeoisie terminology. It will by
neccessity be the dictatorship of the majority, of the proletariat.
But it will also be the democracy of the many instead of the few.
Here lies the problems of the "socialist revolutions". Until
now, they have been seizure of power by an elite - a minority - that
haven't understood that the time had not yet come for socialism.
To build socialism in countries that lack most fundamental goods,
that can't fulfill the basic needs of their populations, will
inevitably end in oppression:
The vanguardist parties will always be haunted by people in search
of power, by people that want more than their share. In a country
where poverty rules, how can you escape poverty? By seizing power
for yourself, by becoming emperor...
In a country with ONE party, or at least only one party with
power, which party do you turn to if power is what you want?
Vidar Hokstad <vidarh@powertech.no>
----
[1] Please note that the inclusion of Jack's letter in issue #2 was an
error on my behalf - the letter was not meant to be published. However
I've chosen still to comment on the issues he mentioned, because I find
the problems he rises interesting. I would like to hear more opinions
on these questions. Submissions are especially welcome, but write even
if you don't want to submit (just make sure you state that clearly,
so I don't mess up again...).
[2] That is, the political system, not the ideology or ideologies.
[3] It should also be noted that while early western capitalism
certainly showed remarkable resemblances to state capitalism as the
term is used here, there were also distinct differences - again the
natural variations of history? Or are the differences more fundamental?
I won't go into that now. Any comments?
=======================================================================
(04) column: A SEARCHLIGHT ON INTERNET
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
* CPUSA
E-MAIL: communistpty@igc.apc.com,
pww@igc.apc.com (Peoples Weekly World)
timwheeler@igc.apc.com (PWW editor Tim Wheeler)
Communist Party of USA. Publishes Peoples Weekly World, and the
theoretical journal Political Affairs. Their youth organization is
YCL - Young Communist League.
* Marxism (mailing-list)
E-MAIL: marxism-request@world.std.com (majordomo)
marxism-approval@world.std.com (the list moderator)
The Marxism list have had a steady stream of messages, and have
established itself as one of the more high-volume leftist lists.
It's highly focused on academic questions, but should still provide
interesting reading for others - at least you'd probably have no
problems getting enough suggestions for what to read ;)
* Marxist Leninist Bookstore
E-MAIL: <mlbooks@mcs.com>
Jack Hill writes:
" Actually, this is just an e-mail address that
the Chicago Workers' Voice (a small Marxist-Leninist political group
in Chicago, formerly the Chicago branch of the Marxist-Leninist Party
(USA) ) uses to exchange views and information on political issues.
We publish two periodicals: an agitational newsletter _The Chicago
Workers' Voice_/_Voz Obrera_ in English and Spanish, and _The Chicago
Workers' Voice Theoretical Journal_. I would certainly be willing to
send anyone who requests it the text of our agitational articles. I
can also inform anyone who asks what are the contents of our
theoretical journal. Each issue runs about 240-250K so it would be hard
to sent out the whole journal by e-mail, but I might be able to send
individual articles if someone is really interested. Of course, if I
start getting hundreds of requests, I may have to reconsider this offer.
M-L Books is an actual bookstore located in a storefront in the
Mexican community of Chicago. We have been in this community for 15
years. We have a wide variety of titles of Marx, Engels, and Lenin in
English and Spanish. Our prices are generally low, since much of our
stock was acquired years ago at low prices. I don't have a complete
listing of our current stock with current prices, but if there is a
title you want, let me know. We can probably help you.
Keep up the struggle.
Jack Hill <mlbooks@mcs.com>"
* Committees of Correspondence
GOPHER: See the EDIN gopher below.
LIST: cocdiscuss@garnet.berkeley.edu (The CocDiscuss list)
newman@garnet.berkeley.edu (the list moderator)
* EDIN gopher
GOPHER: garnet.berkeley.edu (ports 1520/1521/1522)
E-MAIL: newman@garnet.berkeley.edu (Nathan Newman)
The EDIN gopher is one of the main resources for revolutionary and
other progressive groups on the Net. Apart from pointers to a wide range
of leftist organization on the Internet, it contains massive information
about human rights organizations, economics etc., and pointers to tons
of other info. An absolute _must_. Red Forum can also be found here.
The maintainer, Nathan Newman, is highly active on Usenet, and also
moderates the Committees of Correspondence discussion list - CocDiscuss.
* Partei des Demokratischen Sozialismus
GOPHER:
USENET: cl.gruppen.pds
E-MAIL: PDS-BLV@IPN-B.comlink.de (PDS Landesvorstand Berlin)
Notice that this entry is by no means complete. The PDS have an
extensive list of e-mail addresses to a long range of local sections and
members of their party. The few addresses mentioned here have been taken
from the newsgroup "cl.gruppen.pds".
* Archiv fuer marxistische Theorie
EMAIL: CHRONIK@LINK-S.cl.sub.de
=======================================================================
(05) ANNOUNCEMENTS
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
RED ORANGE
A Marxist Triquarterly of Theory, Politics, and the Everyday
Robert A. Nowlan, Chief Editor
Robert J. Cymbala, Managing Editor
The inaugural issue of Red Orange will be published in the spring
of 1995. Red Orange will contribute to the positive development of
revolutionary Marxist knowledges of contemporary capitalist economics,
politics, society, and culture. Red Orange will include critical,
theoretical, and pedagogical articles of sustained length, as well as a
dossier of briefer writings which deal with developments in popular
consciousness and mass culture. Red Orange will produce work that is
engaged in systematic investigation and explanation, and which is
concerned with extending and developing revolutionary Marxist critical
theory of capitalist society and culture. Red Orange will argue for the
necessary theoretical and political priority of such concepts as class,
class conflict and struggle, class consciousness, history, materiality,
mode of production, forces and relations of production, labor,
proletariat, revolution, socialism, communism, dialectics, ideology,
theory, and critique.
The first issue of Red Orange will begin to investigate the broad
topic of "Late Capitalism at the Fin-de-Siecle." This focus will
continue throughout the first year as the second and third issues of Red
Orange will (tentatively) focus upon the specific topics of market and
commodity culture (issue two) and globality, globalism, and global
post-ality (issue three) in fin-de-siecle late capitalism. We invite
submissions for this first and for the subsequent second and third
issues of Red Orange that focus on the development of revolutionary
Marxist critical theory of, and intellectual-pedagogical intervention
within, various institutions, discourses, practices, and social
relations of fin-de-siecle late capitalism. We invite submissions from
across the full range of traditional academic-intellectual
"disciplines." We are also particularly interested in articles which
will address the related question -- in the course of their
investigation of fin-de-siecle late capitalist economics, politics,
society, and culture -- of How and Why, on the Advent of the
Twenty-First Century, the Revolutionary Socialist Transformation of
Capitalism into Communism is -- Still -- Possible and -- Still --
Necessary.
Texts and inquiries should be addressed to Red Orange, Post Office
Box 1055, Tempe, AZ, 85280-1055, U.S.A.
=======================================================================
(06) FOR A NEW BEGINNING (2 of 2)
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Written by Dave Hollis <ln_dho@pki-nbg.philips.de>
Co-authored by Maggie McQuillan
Please contact the author before republishing the article.
... continued from Breakaway #2
Democratic Centralism
Democratic centralism is usually justified by saying that it originates
out of the organisation the workers give themselves in struggle.
Leaving aside for a moment that its historical roots were completely
different, let me try and examine the concept as such.
Instinctively, the idea of democratically deciding and then acting
together is very appealing - at least in the cases when one is fighting
the class enemy. For a revolutionary organisation, however, democratic
centralism has meant and means something else.
Democratic centralism is usually defined as being "freedom of
discussion and unity of action". This definition, taken from Lenin
himself, doesn't tell the whole story. A democratic centralist
organisation is based on a separation of the task of leadership from
the task of carrying out the decisions. This separation takes the
form, in the best case, of a yearly election of a central or national
committee.
Whatever name this committee may have, I think that no one will
contradict me in saying that it has the right to lead the organisation
and take decisions in its name which are then binding on the members.
Before going into the ramifications of such powers, it is very
important to note that such a division of labour is nothing more than a
reproduction of the capitalist model of parliamentary democracy in a
workers' organisation. Instead of the majority leading the
organisation we have the majority drawing up the leaders. As is the
case with parliamentary elections when electing MPs, the rank and file
does not lead an organisation and the people do not lead parliament
because the leaders are elected at regular intervals.
The effects of the separation described above are not at first glance
apparent. To understand them it is necessary to not only investigate
the practical consequences of democratic centralism on the workings of
a political organisation, but also to look into what effects it has on
the minds of the members.
As experienced in the previous two sects, democratic centralism
required of the members that they put forward its programme and
policies when working within the movement. This makes it very
difficult for the members to question and develop differing ideas to
those internally agreed.
One could of course counter by saying that one can discuss anything
with anyone. However it should be obvious that members will feel
"obliged" to put forward the "line" in public and not develop ones
ideas in a dialogue with the workers. A tendency can and will develop
that engenders conformity, something very unhealthy for a revolutionary
organisation. Furthermore, it is very easy for a feeling to develop of
"us" and "them" - something we have already had more than enough
experience of in the past. The underlying processes at work here are
by no means easy to depict. Attitudes are shaped by an organisation
but an organisation is also shaped by attitudes. Cause and effect will
change places more than once
Ideas when taken up by people become a material force in their own
right. Separating the overwhelming majority of the members from the
decision making process has consequences that go a lot further than
depicted up to now.
A tendency will develop, as is the case in almost any workers'
organisation, of loyalty and acceptance of the leaders. Those who
decide will also be those who appear to be competent in the eyes of the
members. If the organisation grows, i.e. it is successful, the
position of the leadership will be strengthened, a bureaucracy can then
develop. If the organisation declines, it is by no means said that the
leadership will be weakened [1]. How often in the history of the labour
movement have leaderships survived bad decisions because of the loyalty
of the members? Leaderships of Stalinist organisations, for example,
have often committed great crimes against their members and still
survived to tell the story!
Looking through the documents of the factional struggle within
Militant, it immediately becomes apparent that the force of ideas were
by no means sufficient to break the loyalty built up in the leadership.
Loyalty to a leadership - be it blind or conscious - is poison for a
revolutionary organisation. This point has to be seen in context of
what I wrote above on sectarianism and the psychological background of
loyalty.
The development of loyalties, the inability to question ideas, to
understand differing ideas shows that democratic checks, as important
as they undoubtedly are, are in now way sufficient to prevent an
organisation from degenerating. To put it another way, there is always
a need for democratic checks when the organisation in question has un-
democratic traits in it right from the word go!
Bureaucratic centralism, or bureaucratism in general, begins with the
separation of the leaders from the rest, i.e. those who carry out the
decisions. As soon as no active control takes place - be it due to the
structure of the organisation or because the members do not want to -
bureaucratism will be the result. It must be the result.
Up till now, I have looked into the effects of democratic centralism in
the organisation itself. I would like to now portray how democratic
centralism affects the political work in the movement. In passing, it
should be obvious that the criticisms of democratic centralism are, in
a slightly modified form, just as applicable and relevant to the
organisations of the labour movement, i.e. the trade unions and the
Labour Party.
The discussion on the merits or otherwise of democratic centralism are
by no means new. Both Rosa Luxemburg and Leon Trotsky criticized in
detail, and independently of each other, Lenin's organisation concept.
Rosa Luxemburg's contribution appeared in English under the title
Organizational Question of Russian Social Democracy. Although the
translation is terrible, the translator managed to get the meaning more
or less across - the article is well worth a read. Trotsky's pamphlet,
Our Political Tasks, was published in 1904 in Russian and also
translated in 1970 into German.
One of Trotsky's criticisms of Lenin's organisation concept concerned
the question of self-activity, i.e. the ability of the working class
to act by itself. In Lenin's concept this self-activity was given
narrow bounds.
In contrast, Trotsky saw the main task of the Social Democracy as being
one of stimulating and fostering this self-activity. Trotsky saw in
Lenin's plans an obstacle for the development of political
consciousness of the proletariat. Moreover he saw the danger that the
party, due to its not legitimated claim to hegemony with regard to the
working class and the resulting strict separation from the proletariat,
taking up such a sectarian position that the proletariat could turn its
back on the party at the decisive moment.
Lenin's formal centralism would not lead to its declared aim, the
strengthening of the party, but, instead, to the danger of the
separation of the working class from the party. Trotsky saw the
guarantee for the party's stability "in an active and self-active
participating proletariat and not in its organisational head".
Trotsky counterposed to democratic centralism the concept of
democratic centralisation, i.e. a centralisation from below. In his
view, this centralisation can only be the majority will of the rank
and file organisations, which exercise a continuous control over their
delegates. To give a flavor and the direction of Trotsky's
criticisms, here are a few passages from his pamphlet:
"The system of political substitution is, as is the system of
'economistic' simplification, derived consciously or
unconsciously from a 'sophistic' understanding of the
relationship of the objective interests of the proletariat to its
consciousness. Marxism teaches that the interests of the
proletariat are determined by its objective conditions of
existence. These interests are so imperious that they in the end
cause the proletariat to transfer them into the area of its
consciousness, i.e. to reach its objective interests by its
subjective needs. Between both these factors - the objective
factor of its class interests and its subjective consciousness -
lies, in reality unavoidable, road of knocks and blows, mistakes
and disappointments, vicissitudes and defeats. For the tactical
wisdom of the party of the proletariat, the whole task lies
between these two planes, it consists in shortening and
facilitating the road from the one to another."
"... If the Economists do not lead in this way the proletariat
because it trots behind them, the 'politicians' also do not lead
the proletariat because they are themselves looking to perform
their duties. If the Economists shirk their colossal tasks by
devoting themselves to a modest role, to march at the tail of
history, the 'politicians' solve the question by making history
to its own tail..."
"We revolutionize the masses badly or well (mostly badly) by
waking in them their elementary political instincts. However, as
long as it is the question of the complex tasks of transforming
these instincts into the conscious efforts of a political working
class determined by the class itself, we resort to the short and
simplified methods of the thoughts of standing in for others and
substitution.
In the internal politics of the party, these methods lead, as we
will see, to the party organisation replacing the party itself,
the CC replacing the party's organisation and finally a dictator
replacing the CC; furthermore, these methods lead to the
committees creating and abolishing the 'lines', while 'the people
remain silent'. In the external politics, these methods appear
in the attempts to exert pressure on other social organisations,
not by the real power of the proletarian conscious of its own
interests but by the abstract power of the class interests of the
proletariat."
"We are speaking of the absolute necessity of the creation of
party members, of conscious social democrats, not, however, of
simple skilled 'detail workers'- and one answers us: 'That goes
without saying'. What does that mean? For whom does 'that' go
without saying? Does 'that' go without saying in the context of
our party work, i.e. does the creation of political thinking
party comrades an absolute, integral part of it?"
"Every thought that promotes the technical principle of the
division of labour to the principle of social democratic
organisation, consciously or unconsciously acquires the final
unavoidable consequence: the separation of consciousness and
implementation, the separation of social democratic thought from
technical functions by means of which these thoughts must
necessarily be realised. The 'organisation of professional
revolutionaries', more precisely its head, appears as the centre
of social democratic consciousness and underneath this centre,
the disciplined executors of technical functions are to be
found."
Originally, I planned at this point to look into the historical
background of democratic centralism in some detail. Due to lack of
time, I can only skirt over the subject. If enough interest is
present, I can into this subject in some detail.
If one reads 'What is to be Done', Lenin states clearly that his
organisational model stems from a terrorist organisation, 'Land and
Freedom'. Moreover, his ideas were based on an amalgamation of the
Marxism of the 2. International (in particular the German Marxism of
Kautsky) with the traditions of the Russian revolutionary
intelligentsia.
The idea taken directly from Kautsky that the proletariat is only
capable of developing a trade union consciousness and therefore the
bourgeois intelligentsia, collected in the Social Democracy, is
required to 'bring in' a socialist consciousness into the working
class, determined Lenin's organisational concept.
Despite the fact that Lenin modified his views on this subject under
pressure from without, the organisational principles derived from this
false understanding of the question of socialist consciousness
remained. The idea that the ideas of socialism are not to be explained
by the material conditions but instead are to viewed as a question of
science, higher morals and a successful propaganda activity, have since
this time bedevilled the labour movement.
The ideas of separating out the tasks of leadership, i.e. the
separation detailed above, also have their roots in this false
understanding of the question of socialist consciousness. Instead of
it being a question of the working class being able to free itself from
the chains of capitalism, this mentality leads to this question being
reduced to a technical problem that can only be solved by technicians.
Slowly, surely and unavoidably, the whole concept of socialism is
robbed of its human content: "We have the solution and you have to put
it into practice". Having experienced this way of thinking more than
once and over a long period of time, I think I can say that this way of
thinking was prevalent in the sects.
Instead of a conclusion
It is easy to criticize, it is easy to know better. I was tempted -
despite the shortness of time available to me - to pick up on a number
of points made in the documents for your national meeting. What struck
me on reading them however, is that it is very unclear as to what you
consider to be your tasks.
The road to hell is paved with good intentions. What sort of
organisation is required and for what purpose? It is stated in the
document Establishing a new Tradition that there is a tremendous
political vacuum existing in the current world situation.
Unfortunately, it is much more than a vacuum. The ideas of socialism,
i.e. that the workers can take charge of society, have been
discredited and most probably for a whole historical period. The
rediscovery of these ideas can only take place over a long period of
time. As we have already said in Germany, it is not even clear whether
these new ideas will acquire the name "Socialism".
What alternatives are there going to be, how they are going to look,
etc. will only result from a long period of discussion in and with the
labour movement and also by learning from experiences. One very
important part of these discussions will undoubtedly be a reappraisal
of the history of the labour movement and its ideas. This reappraisal
will require socialists having to leave no stone unturned and really
questioning things we have always taken for granted.
From what I have said in the article as a whole, revolutionaries will
have to take more account of a number of things that it has never
really done to any great degree in the past. Life has changed a lot
since the "great teachers". Either one has to learn to come to terms
with this fact and draw the necessary conclusions otherwise how things
will end up will be clear right from the word go - sect No. 3!
To hold comrades together just on the basis of ideas is not going to be
a simple task. Once the pressure is off, those comrades who have
missed out on life up to know will want to catch up. Some, or perhaps
many, will leave politics altogether.
Life is no longer going to be rosy or easy. There are no simple
solutions and to call for the nationalization of the top 200 monopolies
at every appropriate and inappropriate occasion is not going to help
either. Only by understanding what went wrong in the past and why it
went wrong, is it possible to build for the future. The form and
content this will take are still very unclear - if we recognize this
fact, there is a chance that we can do it better. But only if we do
so!
Dave Hollis, 15.4.94
P.S. This document was written in a hurry and under pressure from an
ongoing struggle against redundancies. It would have been impossible
to have written it without the help and critical comments of Maggie
McQuillan, who agrees with the main lines of argument and conclusions.
In this sense, the document should be considered to have been co-
authored by her. All grammatical mistakes, mis-spellings, etc. are,
of course my responsibility.
----
[1] In fact, often the leadership have been _strengthened_, since it
generally is the opposition that leaves the organisation first, leaving
the sinking ship in an even worse condition than before. Editors remark
=======================================================================
(07) GENERAL INFORMATION
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
Breakaway will be published as often as we have enough material.
"Enough" is at present about 40kb of text, but this might increase
if we get enough submissions. Under any circumstances we'll try to
limit ourselves to 40kb until we reach one issue every two weeks.
(Probably won't happen in your lifetime ;-)
The format is, as you can see, pure 7-bit ASCII.
Do you:
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Just send us a message, preferably by e-mail, and we'll send you
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reply, please include your e-mail address in the body of the message.
SOME BRIEF NOTES ON SUBMISSIONS
-----------------------------------------------------------------------
* BREAKAWAY will accept articles from people belonging to all trends
or ideologies related to marxism, or from people who are simply
interested in marxist theory or practice.
* You should limit yourself to articles between 100 and 300 lines if
possible (shorter pieces will naturally also be accepted). If you
find that difficult, try to divide your article into shorter
sections suitable for publishing over two to four issues.
* We will publish most articles or news reports we receive concerning
marxist ideology, the actions of marxist organisations, or
information of importance to the average revolutionary. Also
fiction might be accepted (contact us for more info)
* We accept anonymous submissions. However, if you choose to do so,
we would prefer if you give us a pseudonym to use as your
signature.
How to contact Red Forum / Internationalists Committee:
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Editor : Vidar Hokstad
E-mail : <vidarh@powertech.no>
Snailmail : Boks 30, N-2001 Lillestroem, NORWAY
Tel. : +47 638 170 35 (5pm to 9pm GMT)
=======================================================================
Proletarians of all countries, unite!
=======================================================================
END BREAKAWAY.003

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from the Amnet Civil Liberties BBS, Chicago
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BUGS, TAPS AND INFILTRATORS: WHAT TO DO ABOUT POLITICAL SPYING
by Linda Lotz
American Friends Service Committee
Organizations involved in controversial issues -- particularly those who
encourage or assist members to commit civil disobedience -- should be alert to
the possibility of surveillance and disruption by police or federal agencies.
During the last three decades, many individuals and organizations were spied
upon, wiretapped, their personal lives dirupted in an effort to draw them away
from their political work, and their organizations infiltrated. Hundreds of
thousands of pages of evidence from agencies such as the FBI and CIA were
obtained by Congressional inquiries headed by Senator Frank Church and
Representative Otis Pike, others were obtained through use of the Freedom of
Information Act and as a result of lawsuits seeking damages for First
Amendment violations.
Despite the public outcry to these revelations, the apparatus remains in place,
and federal agencies have been given increased powers by the Reagan
Administration.
Good organizers should be acquainted with this sordid part of American history,
and with the signs that may indicate their group is the target of an
investigation.
HOWEVER, DO NOT LET PARANOIA IMMOBILIZE YOU. The results of paranoia and
overreaction to evidence of surveillance can be just as disruptive to an
organization as an actual infiltrator or disruption campaign.
This document is a brief outline of what to look for -- and what to do if you
think your group is the subject of an investigation. This is meant to suggest
possible actions, and is not intended to provide legal advice.
POSSIBLE EVIDENCE OF GOVERNMENT SPYING
|| OBVIOUS SURVEILLANCE
Look for:
* Visits by police or federal agents to politically involved individuals,
landlords, employers, family members or business associates. These visits may
be to ask for information, to encourage or create possibility of eviction or
termination of employment, or to create pressure for the person to stop his or
her political involvement.
* Uniformed or plainclothes officers taking pictures of people entering your
office or participating in your activities. Just before and during
demonstrations and other public events, check the area including windows and
rooftops for photographers. (Credentialling press can help to separate the
media from the spies.)
* People who seem out of place. If they come to your office or attend your
events, greet them as potential members. Try to determine if they are really
interested in your issues -- or just your members!
* People writing down license plate numbers of cars and other vehicles in
the vicinity of your meetings and rallies.
Despite local legislation and several court orders limiting policy spying
activities, these investigatory practices have been generally found to be
legal unless significant "chilling" of constitutional rights can be proved.
|| TELEPHONE PROBLEMS:
Electronic surveillance equipment is now so sophisticated that you should not
be able to tell if your telephone converstaions are being monitored. Clicks,
whirrs, and other noises probably indicate a problem in the telephone line or
other equipment.
For example, the National Security Agency has the technology to monitor
microwave communications traffic, and to isolate all calls to or from a
particular line, or to listen for key words that activate a tape recording
device. Laser beams and "spike" microphones can detect sound waves hitting
walls and window panes, and then transmit those waves for recording. In these
cases, there is little chance that the subject would be able to find out about
the surveillance.
Among the possible signs you may find are:
* Hearing a tape recording of a conversation you, or someone else in your
home or office, have recently held.
* Hearing people talking about your activities when you try to use the
telephone.
* Losing service several days before major events.
Government use of electronic surveillance is governed by two laws, the Omnibus
Crime Control and Safe Streets Act and the Foreign Intelligence Surveillance
Act. Warrants for such surveillance can be obtained if there is evidence of a
federal crime, such as murder, drug trafficking, or crimes characteristic of
organized crime, or for the purpose of gathering foreign intelligence
information available within the U.S. In the latter case, an "agent of a
foreign power" can be defined as a representative of a foriegn government,
from a faction or opposition group, or foreign based political groups.
|| MAIL PROBLEMS:
Because of traditional difficulties with the US Postal Service, some problems
with mail delivery will occur, such as a machine catching an end of an envelope
and tearing it, or a bag getting lost and delaying delivery.
However, a pattern of problems may occur because of political intelligence
gathering:
* Envelopes may have been opened prior to reaching their destination;
contents were removed and/or switched with other mail. Remember that the glue
on envelopes doesn't work as well when volume or bulk mailings are involved.
* Mail may arrive late, on a regular basis different from others in your
neighborhood.
* Mail may never arrive.
There are currently two kinds of surveillance permitted with regards to mail:
the mail cover, and opening of mail. The simplest, and least intrusive form is
the "mail cover" in which postal employees simply list any information that can
be obtained from the envelope, or opening second, third or fourth class mail.
Opening of first class mail requires a warrant unless it is believed to hold
drugs .... More leeway is given for opening first class international mail.
|| BURGLARIES:
A common practice during the FBI's Counter-Intelligence Program (COINTELPRO)
was the use of surreptitious entries or "black bag jobs." Bureau agents were
given special training in burglary, key reproduction, etc. for use in entering
homes and offices. In some cases, keys could be obtained from "loyal American"
landlords or building owners.
Typical indicators are:
* Files, including membership and financial reports, are rifled, copied or
stolen.
* Items of obvious financial value are left untouched.
* Equipment vital to the organization may be broken or stolen, such as
typewriters, printing machinery, and computers.
* Signs of a political motive are left, such as putting a membership list or
a poster from an important event in an obvious place.
Although warrantless domestic security searches are in violation of the Fourth
Amendment, and any evidence obtained this way cannot be used in criminal
proceedings, the Reagan Administration and most recent Presidents (excepting
Carter) have asserted the inherent authority to conduct searches against those
viewed as agents of a foreign power.
|| INFORMERS AND INFILTRATORS:
Information about an organization or individual can also be obtined by placing
an informer or infiltrator. This person may be a police officer, employee of a
federal agency, someone who has been charged or convicted of criminal activity
and has agreed to "help" instead of serve time, or anyone from the public.
Once someone joins an organization for the purposes of gathering information,
the line between data gathering and participation blurs. Two types of
infiltrators result -- those who are under "deep cover" and adapt to the
lifestyle of the people they are infiltrating, and agents provocateurs.
Deep-cover infiltrators may maintain their cover for many years, and an
organization may never know who these people are. Agents provocateurs are more
visible, because they will deliberately attempt to disrupt or lead the group
into illegal activites. They often become involved just as an event or crisis
is occurring, and leave town or drop out after the organizing slows down.
An agent may:
* Volunteer for tasks which provide access to important meetings and papers
such as financial records, membership lists, minutes and confidential files.
* Not follow through or complete tasks, or else do them poorly despite an
obvious ability to do good work.
* Cause problems for a group such as commiting it to activities or expenses
without following proper channels, or urge the group to plan activities that
divide group unity.
* Seem to create or be in the middle of personal or political difference that
slow the work of the group.
* Seek the public spotlight, in the name of your group, and then make
comments or present an image different from the rest of the group.
* Urge the use of violence or breaking the law, and provide information and
resources to enable such ventures.
* Have no obvious source of income over a period of time, or have more money
available than his or her job should pay.
* Charge other people with being agents (a process called snitch-jackets),
thereby diverting attention from him or herself, and draining the group's
energy from other work.
THESE ARE NOT THE ONLY SIGNS, NOR IS A PERSON WHO FITS SEVERAL OF THESE
CATEGORIES NECESSARILY AN AGENT. BE EXTREMELY CAUTIONS AND DO NOT CALL ANOTHER
PERSON AN AGENT WITHOUT HAVING SUBSTANTIAL EVIDENCE.
Courts have consistently found that an invividual who provides information,
even if it is incriminating, to an informer has not had his or her
Constitutional rights violated. This includes the use of tape recorders or
electronic transmitters as well.
Lawsuits in Los Angeles, Chicago and elsewhere, alleging infiltration of lawful
political groups, have resulted in court orders limiting the use of police
informers and infiltrators. However, this does not affect activities of federal
agencies.
|| IF YOU FIND EVIDENCE OF SURVEILLANCE:
* Hold a meeting to discuss spying and harassment
* Determine if any of your members have experienced any harassment or noticed
any surveillance activities that appear to be directed at the organization's
activities. Carefully record all the details of these and see if any patterns
develop.
* Review past suspicious activities or difficulties in your group. Have one
or several people been involved in many of these events? List other possible
"evidence" of infiltration.
* Develop internal policy on how the group should respond to any possible
surveillance or suspicious actions. Decide who should be the contact person(s),
what information should be recorded, what process to follow during any event or
demonstration if disruption tactics are used.
* Consider holding a public meeting to discuss spying in your community and
around the country. Schedule a speaker or film discussing political
surveillance.
* Make sure to protect important documents or computer disks, by keeping a
second copy in a separate, secret location. Use fireproof, locked cabinets if
possible.
* Implement a sign-in policy for your office and/or meetings. This is helpful
for your organizing, developing a mailing list, and can provide evidence that
an infiltrator or informer was at your meeting. Appoint a contact for spying
concerns. This contact person or committee should implement the policy
developed above and should be given authority to act, to get others to respond
should any problems occur.
The contact should:
* Seek someone familiar with surveillance history and law, such as the local
chapter of the National Lawyers Guild, the American Civil Liberties Union, the
National Conference of Black Lawyers or the American Friends Service Committee.
Brief them about your evidence and suspicions. They will be able to make
suggestions about actions to take, as well as organizing and legal contacts.
* Maintain a file of all suspected or confirmed experiences of surveillance
and disruption. Include: date, place, time, who was present, a complete
description of everything that happened, and any comments explaining the
context of the event or showing what impact the event had on the individual or
organization. If this is put in deposition form and signed, it can be used as
evidence in court.
* Under the Freedom of Information Act and the Privacy Act, request any files
on the organization from federal agencies such as the FBI, CIA, Immigration and
Naturalization, Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco and Firearms, etc. File similar
requests with local and state law enforcement agencies, if your state freedom
of information act applies.
|| PREPARE FOR MAJOR DEMONSTRATIONS AND EVENTS:
* Plan ahead; brief your legal workers on appropriate state and federal
statutes on police and federal officials spying. Discuss whether photographing
with still or video cameras is anticipated and decide if you want to challenge
it.
* If you anticipate surveillance, brief reporters who are expected to cover
the event, and provide them with materials about past surveillance by your
city's police in the past, and/or against other activitists throughout the
country.
* Tell the participants when surveillance is anticipated and discuss what
the group's response will be. Also, decide how to handle provocateurs, police
violence, etc. and incorporate this into any affinity group, marshall or other
training.
|| DURING THE EVENT:
* Carefully monitor the crowd, looking for surveillance or possible
disruption tactics. Photograph any suspicious or questionable activities.
* Approach police officer(s) seen engaging in questionable activities.
Consider having a legal worker and/or press person monitor their actions.
|| IF YOU SUSPECT SOMEONE IS AN INFILTRATOR:
* Try to obtain information about his or her background: where s/he attended
high school and college; place of employment, and other pieces of history.
Attempt to verify this information.
* Check public records which include employment; this can include voter
registation, mortgages or other debt filings, etc.
* Check listings of police academy graduates, if available.
|| ONCE YOU OBTAIN EVIDENCE THAT SOMEONE IS AN INFILTRATOR:
* Confront him or her in a protected setting, such as a small meeting with
several other key members of your group (and an attorney if available).
Present the evidence and ask for the person's response.
* You should plan how to inform your members about the infiltration,
gathering information about what the person did while a part of the group and
determining any additional impact s/he may have had.
* You should consider contacting the press with evidence of the infiltration.
|| IF YOU CAN ONLY GATHER CIRCUMSTANTIAL EVIDENCE, BUT ARE CONCERNED THAT THE
PERSON IS DISRUPTING THE GROUP:
* Hold a strategy session with key leadership as to how to handle the
troublesome person.
* Confront the troublemaker, and lay out why the person is disrupting the
organization. Set guidelines for further involvement and carefully monitor the
person's activities. If the problems continue, consider asking the person to
leave the organization.
* If sufficient evidence is then gathered which indicates s/he is an
infiltrator, confront the person with the information in front of witnesses
and carefully watch reactions.
* Request an investigation or make a formal complaint
* Report telephone difficulties to your local and long distance carriers.
Ask for a check on the lines to assure that the equipment is working properly.
Ask them to do a sweep/check to see if any wiretap equipment is attached
(Sometimes repair staff can be very helpful in this way.) If you can afford it,
request a sweep of your phone and office or home from a private security firm.
Remember this will only be good at the time that the sweep is done.
* File a formal complaint with the US Postal Service, specifying the problems
you have been experiencing, specific dates, and other details. If mail has
failed to arrive, ask the Post Office to trace the envelope or package.
* Request a formal inquiry by the police, if you have been the subject of
surveillance or infiltration. Describe any offending actions by police
officers and ask a variety of questions. If an activity was photographed, ask
what will be done with the pictures. Set a time when you expect a reply from
the police chief. Inform members of the City Council and the press of your
request.
* If you are not pleased with the results of the police chief's reply, file
a complaint with the Police Board or other administrative body. Demand a full
investigation. Work with investigators to insure that all witnesses are
contacted. Monitor the investigation and respond publicy to the conclusions.
* Initiate a lawsuit if applicable federal or local statutes have been
violated. Before embarking on a lawsuit, remember that most suits take many
years to complete and require tremendous amounts of organizers' and legal
workers' energy and money.
* Always notify the press when you have a good story; keep interested
reporters updated on any new developments. They may be aware of other police
abuses, or be able to obtain further evidence of police practices. Press
coverage of spying activities is very important, because publicity-conscious
politicians and police chiefs will be held accountable for questionable
practices.
Prepared by:
Linda Lotz
American Friends Service Committee
980 North Fair Oaks Avenue
Pasadena, CA 91103

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INTERVIEW
with
WILLIAM S. BURROUGHS
conducted by
Gregory Corso
and
Allen Ginsberg
Originally appeared in Journal For the Protection of All People
1961
Transcribed by Flesh
1992
B= William Burroughs
C= Gregory Corso
G= Allen Ginsberg
C: What is your department?
B: Kunst unt Wissenschaft
C: What say you about political conflicts?
B: Political conflicts are merely surfaced manifestations. If
conflicts arise you may certain powers intend to keep this
conflict under operation since they hope to profit from the
situation. To concern yourself with surface political conflicts
is to make the mistake of the bull in the ring, you are
charging the cloth. That is what politics is for, to teach you
the cloth. Just as the bullfighter teaches the bull, teaches him
to follow, obey the cloth.
C: Who manipulates the cloth?
B: Death
G: What is death?
B: A gimmick. It's the time birth death gimmick. Can't go on much
longer, too many people are wising up.
C: Do you feel there has been a definite change in man's makeup?
A new consciousness?
B: Yes, I can give you a precise answer to that. I feel that the
change the mutation in consciousness will occur spontaneously
once certain pressures now in operation are removed. I feel that
the principal instrument of monopoly and control that prevents
expansion of consciousness is the word lines controlling thought
feeling and apparent sensory impressions of the human host.
G: And if removed, what step?
B: The forward step must be made in silence. we detach ourselves
from word forms-this can be accomplished by substituting for
words, letters, concepts, verbal concepts, other modes of
expression; for example, color. We can translate word and
letter into color (Rimbaud stated that in his color vowels,
words quote "words" can be read in silent color.) In other
words man must get away from verbal forms to attain the
consciousness, that which is there to be perceived at hand.
C: How does one take that "forward step," can you say?
B: Well, this is my subject and is what I am concerned with.
Forward steps are made by giving up old armor because words are
built into you---in the soft typewriter of the womb you do not
realize the word-armor you carry; for example, when you read
this page your eyes move irresistibly from left to right
following the words that you have been accustomed to. Now try
breaking up part of the page like this:
Are there or just we can translate
many solutions for example color word color
in the soft typewriter into
political conflicts to attain consciousness
monopoly and control
C: Reading that it seems you end up where you began, with politics
and it's nomenclature: conflict, attain, solution, monopoly,
control--so what kind of help is that?
B: Precisely what I was saying---if you talk you always end up with
politics, it gets nowhere, I mean man it's strictly from the
soft typewriter.
C: What kind of advice you got for politicians?
B: Tell the truth once and for all and shut up forever.
C: What if people don't want to change, don't want no new
consciousness?
B: For any species to change, if they are unable and are unwilling
to do so--I might for example however have suggested to the
dinosaurs that heavy armor and great size was a sinking ship,
and that they do well to convert to mammal facilities---it would
not lie in my power or desire to reconvert a reluctant
dinosaur. I can make my feeling very clear, Gregory, I fell like
I'm on a sinking ship and I want off.
C: Do you think Hemingway got off?
B: Probably not.
(Next day)
G: What about control?
B: Now all politicians assume a necessity of control, the more
efficient the control the better. All political organizations
tend to function like a machine, to eliminate the unpredictable
factor of AFFECT---emotion. Any machine tends to absorb,
eliminate, Affect. Yet the only person who can make a machine
move is someone who has a motive, who has Affect. If all
individuals were conditioned to machine efficiency in the
performance of their duties they would have to be at least one
person outside the machine to give the necessary orders; if the
machine absorbed or eliminated all those outside the machine the
machine will slow down and stop forever. Any unchecked impulse
does, within the human body & psyche, lead to the destruction
of the organism.
G: What kind of organization could technological society have
without control?
B: The whole point is I feel the machine should be eliminated. Now
that it has served its purpose of alerting us to the dangers of
machine control. Elimination of all natural sciences----If
anybody ought to go to the extermination chambers definitely
scientists, yes I'm definitely antiscientist because I feel that
science represents a conspiracy to impose as, the real and only
universe, the Universe of scientists themselves----they're
reality-addicts, they've got to have things so real so they can
get their hands on it. We have a great elaborate machine which
I feel has to be completely dismantled--- in order to do that
we need people who understand how the machine works ---the mass
media---paralleled opportunity.
G: Who do you think is responsible for the dope situation in
America?
B: Old Army game, "I act under orders ." As Captain Ahab said,
"You are not other men but my arms and legs---" Mr. Anslinger
has a lot of arms and legs, or whoever is controlling him, same
thing as the Wichman case, he's the front man, the man who has
got to take the rap, poor bastard, I got sympathy for him.
C: Could you or do you think it wise to say who it will be or just
what force it will be that will destroy the world?
B: You want to create a panic? That's top secret----want to swamp
the lifeboats?
C: O.K. How did them there lifeboats get there in the first place?
B: Take for instance some Indians in South America I seen. There
comes along this sloppy cop with his shirt buttons all in the
wrong hole, well then, Parkinson's law goes into
operation---there's need not for one cop but seven or eight,
need for sanitation inspectors, rent collectors, etc.; so after
a period of years problems arise, crime, dope taking and
traffic, juvenile delinquency---So the question is asked, "What
should we do about these problems?" The answer as Gertrude Stein
on her deathbed said comes before the question--- in short
before the bastards got there in the first place! that's all---
G: What do you think Cuba and the FLN think about poets? And what
do you think their marijuana policy is?
B: All political movements are basically anti-creative----since a
political movement is a form of war. "There's no place for
impractical dreamers around here" that's what they always say.
"Your writing activities will be directed, kindly stop horsing
around." "As for the smoking of marijuana, it is the
exploitation for the workers." Both favor alcohol and are
against pot.
C: I feel capitol punishment is dooming U.S.A.
B: I'm against Capitol Punishment in all forms, and I have written
many pamphlets on this subject in the manner of Swift's modest
proposal pamphlet incorporated into Naked Lunch; these pamphlets
have marked Naked Lunch as an obscene book, most all methods
of Capitol Punishment are designed to inflict the maximum of
humiliation---note attempts to prevent suicide.
G: What advice do you have for American youth who are drawn to
political action out of sympathy for the American revolution---
B: "I wouldn't be in your position"---old saw. If there is any
political move that I would advocate it would be an alliance
between America and Red China, if they'd have us.
C: What about the Arab peoples---how are they faring?
B: They're stuck back thousands of years and they think they're
going to get out with a TV set.
C: What about the Negros, will they make it---not only the ones in
the South, but everywhere?
B: Biologically speaking the Afro-asiatic block is in the
ascendancy---always remember that both Negro and White are
minority groups---the largest race is the mongoloid group. In
the event of atomic war there is a tremendous biological
advantage in the so-called underdeveloped areas that have high
birth rates and high death rate because, man, they can plow
under those mutations. The country with a low birth rate and low
death rate will be hardest hit---and so the poor may indeed
inherit the earth, because they're healthier.
G: What do you think of White Supremacy?
B: The essence of white supremacy is this: they are people who want
to keep things as they are. That their children's children's
children might be a different color is something very alarming
to them---in short they are committed to the maintenance of
static image. The attempt to maintain a static image, even if
it's a good image, just won't work.
C: Do you think Americans want and could fight the next war with
the same fire and fervency as they did in World War 2?
B: Undoubtedly, yes---because they remember what a soft time they
had in the last one---they sat on their ass.


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-------------------------------------------
President Bush's Address to the Nation
Wednesday, January 16, 1991, 9:00 PM E.S.T.
-------------------------------------------
Just two hours ago, Allied Air forces began an attack on military
targets in Iraq and Kuwait. These attacks continue as I speak.
Ground forces are not engaged.
This conflict started August 2d, when the dictator of Iraq
invaded a small and helpless neighbor. Kuwait, a member of the
Arab league and a member of the United Nations, was crushed; its
people brutalized. Five months ago Saddam Hussein started this
cruel war against Kuwait. Tonight, the battle has been joined.
This military action, taken in accord with United Nations
resolutions, and with the consent of the United States Congrees,
follows months of constant and virtually endless diplomatic
activity on the part on the United Nations, the United States,
and many, many other countries. Arab leaders sought what became
known as an Arab solution only to conclude that Saddam Hussein
was unwilling to leave Kuwait. Others traveled to Baghdad, and a
variety of efforts to restore peace and justice. Our Secretary
of State, James Baker, held an historic meeting in Geneva, only
to be totally rebuffed. This past weekend, in a last ditch
effort, the Secretary General of the United Nations went to the
Middle East, with peace in his heart - his second such mission.
And he came back from Baghdad with no progress at all in getting
Saddam Hussein to withdraw from Kuwait. Now, the 28 countries
with forces in the Gulf area, have exhausted all reasonable
efforts to reach a peaceful resolution, have no choice but to
drive Saddam from Kuwait by force. We will not fail.
As I report to you, air attacks are underway against
military targets in Iraq. We are determined to knock out Saddam
Hussein's nuclear bomb potential; we will also destroy his
chemical weapons facilities; much of Saddam's artillery and tanks
will be destroyed. Our operations are designed to best protect
the lives of all the coalition forces by targeting Saddam's vast
military arsenal. Initial reports from General Schwarzkopf are
that our operations are proceeding according to plan. Our
objectives are clear : Saddam Hussein's forces will leave Kuwait,
the legitimate government of Kuwait will be restored to its
rightful place, and Kuwait will once again be free. Iraq will
eventually comply with all relevant United Nations resolutions
and then, when peace is restored, it is our hope, that Iraq will
live as a peaceful and cooperative member of the family of
nations, thus enhancing the security and stability of the Gulf.
Some may ask, "Why act now, why not wait?" The answer is
clear : The world could wait no longer. Sanctions, though having
some effect, showed no signs of accomplishing their objective.
Sanctions were tried for well over five months, and we and our
allies concluded that sanctions alone would not force Saddam from
Kuwait.
While the world waited, Saddam Hussein systematically raped,
pillaged, and plundered a tiny nation no threat to his own. He
subjected the people of Kuwait to unspeakable atrocities. And
among those maimed and murdered - innocent children. While the
world waited, Saddam sought to add to the chemical weapons
arsenal he now possesses - an infinitely more dangerous weapon of
mass destruction - a nuclear weapon. And while the world waited,
while the world talked peace and withdraw, Saddam Hussein dug in
and moved massive forces into Kuwait. While the world waited,
while Saddam stalled, more damage was being done to the fragile
economies of the third world, emerging democracies of Eastern
Europe, to the entire world including to our own economy. The
United States, together with the United Nations, exhausted every
means at our disposal to bring this crisis to a peaceful end.
However, Saddam clearly felt, that by stalling and threatening
and defying the United Nations, he could weaken the forces
arrayed against him. While the world waited, Saddam Hussein met
every overture of peace with open contempt. While the world
prayed for peace, Saddam prepared for war.
I had hoped, that when the United States Congress, in
historic debate, took its resolute action, Saddam would realize
he could not prevail, and would move out of Kuwait in accord with
the United Nation resolutions. He did not do that. Instead, he
remained intransigent, certain that time was on his side. Saddam
was warned over and over again to comply with the will of the
United Nations - "Leave Kuwait or be driven out." Saddam has
arrogantly rejected all warnings. Instead he tried to make this
a dispute between Iraq and the United States of America. Well he
failed.
Tonight, 28 nations, countries from five continents : Europe
and Asia, Africa and the Arab league, have forces in the Gulf
area, standing shoulder to shoulder against Saddam Hussein.
These countries had hoped the use of force could be avoided.
Regrettably, we now believe that only force will make him leave.
Prior to ordering our forces into battle I instructed our
military commanders to take every necessary step to prevail as
quickly as possible. And with the greatest degree of protection
possible for American and Allied servicemen and women. I've told
the American people before, that this will not be another
Vietnam. And I repeat this here tonight, our troops will have
the best possible support in the entire world. And they will not
be asked to fight with one hand tied behind their back. I'm
hopeful that this fighting will not go on for long, and that
casualties will be held to an absolute minimum.
This is an historic moment. We have, in this past year,
made great progress in ending the long era of conflict and cold
war. We have before us the opportunity to forge for ourselves
and for future generations a new world order. A world where the
rule of law, not the law of the jungle, governs the conduct of
nations. When we are successful, and we will be, we have a real
chance at this new world order, an order in which a credible
United Nations can use its peace-keeping role to fulfill the
promise and vision of the U.N.'s founders.
We have no argument with the people of Iraq. Indeed, for
the innocents caught in this conflict, I pray for their safety.
Our goal is not the conquest of Iraq. It is the liberation of
Kuwait. It is my hope that somehow the Iraqi people can, even
now, convince their dictator that he must lay down his arms,
leave Kuwait, and let Iraq itself rejoin the family of peace
loving nations. Thomas Paine wrote, many years ago, "These are
the times that try mens' souls." Those well known words are so
very true today. But even as planes of the multi national forces
attack Iraq, I prefer to think of peace, not war. I'm convinced,
not only that we will prevail, but that out of the horror of
combat, will come the recognition that no nation can stand
against a world united. No nation will be permitted to brutally
assault its neighbor.
No president can easily commit our sons and daughters to
war. They are the nation's finest. Ours is an all volunteer
force, magnificently trained, highly motivated. The troops know
why they're there. And listen to what they say. For they've
said it better than any president or prime minister ever could.
Listen to Hollywood Huddleston, Marine Lance Corporal. He says,
"Let's free these people so we can go home and be free again."
And he's right. The terrible crimes and tortures committed by
Saddam's henchmen against the innocent people of Kuwait are an
affront to mankind and a challenge to the freedom of all. Listen
to one of our great officers out there. Marine Lieutenant
General Walter Boomer. He said, "There are things worth fighting
for. A world in which brutality and lawlessness are allowed to
go unchecked isn't the kind of world we're going to want to live
in." Listen to Master Sergeant J.P. Kendel of the 82nd Airborne.
"We're here for more than just the price of a gallon of gas.
What we're doing is going to chart the future of the world for
the next hundred years. Its better to deal with this guy now,
then five years from now." And finally, we should all sit up and
listen to Jackie Jones, an Army lieutenant, when she says, "If we
let him get away with this, who knows what's going to be next."
I've called upon Hollywood and Walter and J.P. and Jackie, and
all their courageous comrades in arms, to do what must be done.
Tonight, America and the world are deeply grateful to them,
and to their families. And let me say to everyone listening or
watching tonight, when the troops we've sent in finish their
work, I'm determined to bring them home as soon as possible.
Tonight, as our forces fight, they and their families are in our
prayers. May God bless each and every one of them, and the
coalition forces at our side in the Gulf, and may he continue to
bless our nation, the United States of America.

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These quotes are all from our fearless leader, who puked in Tokyo, and
started crying in Panama, George Herbert Walker Bush. These quotes are mostly
from the new book "Bushisms" by the editors of The New Republic, but as time
goes on, more quotes will be added to the list. If you like
these quotes, I strongly recomend you get Bushisms at the nearest book store.
Try not to weap as you read 'em! :-) More info at the end of the file.
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
We cannot gamble with inexperience in that Oval Office.
-While campaigning '88
Take out the word `Quayle' and insert the word `Bush' wherever it appears,
and that's the crap I took for eight years. Wimp. Sycophant. Lap dog.
Poop. Lightweight. Boop. Squirrel. Asshole. George Bush.
-defending his choice of Dan Quayle as his running mate.
You cannot be president of the United States if you don't have faith.
Remember Lincoln, going to his knees in times of trial and the Civil War
and all that stuff. And we are blessed. So don't feel sorry for - don't
cry for me, Argentina.
-Stressing the importance of prayer, while campaigning in New
Hampshire, 1/15/92.
We've got a little toy department to look at to get some stuff for the
grandchildren. `Slime' is the name of it, I believe. It's a toy.
-While Christmas shopping in Frederick, MD. Bush then
went to look for "that slime thing"
If frogs had wings, they'd let down their tail.
-At a press conference.
I think in politics there are certain moral values. I'm one who - we believe
strongly in the seperation of church and state, but when you get into some
questions, there are some moral overtones. Murder, that kind of thing, and I
feel a little, I will say, uncomfortable with the elevation of the religion
thing.
-On the TV show Meet the Press.
It's like Missouri, `Show me.' I'm from Missouri; we've got to see exactly
what's going on.
-at a press conference on Iraq's claim to complying
with UN resolutions.
So tomorrow there'll be another tidal wave, so keep your snorkel above the
water level and do what you think is right.
-When asked on forthcoming budget negotiations.
You know every day, many important papers come across the desk in that
marvelous Oval Office, and very few items remain there for long. Got to keep
that paper moving or you get inundated. Your snorkel will fill up and there
will be no justice.
-On the dificulty of keeping up with presidental duties.
Bush: It's a jungle out there.
Reporter: Are you getting frustrated with Gorbachev?
B: Did you hear about Tarzan and Jane?
R: No.
B: Tarzan came down and said, "Jane, I'll have a double. On the rocks." She
said, "Tarzan, you don't..." "I'll have another double on the rocks." He has a
third drink. Jane says, "What's the matter, Tarzan." He says, "It's a
jungle out there." Get it?
R: Yeah.
-At a golf-course news conference.
So far it did not reverberate in the negative there. The signature is being
checked through the master computer, which is located someplace else, and
we'll get an answer back after we leave.
-Using a signature-verifier at a National Grocers Association
conference in Orlando, Florida. This is the same place he was
amazed by a check out scanner saying "This is for checking out?"
There's no difference between me and the president on taxes. No more
nitpicking. Zip-ah-dee-doo-dah. Now, it's off to the races!
-responding to criticism that differences between himself and
Reagan on tax issues were creating a political liability.
I say the same thing I say to a person whose family was maimed by a pistol
or an explosive charge or whatever else it might be - a fire - this is bad.
-on his response to families of victims of gun violence. Bush
went on to lament the dificulties of trying to put limits on
AK-47 assault rifles "and still, you know, do what's right by
the legitimate sportsman."
We've got the best health care plan there is and it does not socialize
medicine in this country. It preserves the quality of care. It makes health
care - gives health care access to all and it does it without the quality of
American education.
-Does he belive what he's saying?
I'm all for Lawrence Welk. Lawrence Welk is a wonderful man. He used to be,
or was, or wherever he is now, bless him.
-While arguing for the line item veto. He apparently didn't know
if Welk was alive or dead.
Ours is a great state, and we don't like limits of any kind. Ricky Clunn is
one of the great bass fisherman. He's a Texas young guy, and he's a very
competitve fisherman, and he talked about learning to fish wading in creeks
behind his dad. He in his underwear went wading in the creeks behind his
father, and he said - as a fisherman he said it's great to grow up in a
country with no limits.
-At a live stock event in Houston. Bush, born and raised in the
East, can get defensive about his credentials as a Texan: "I have
my Texas hunting license here..."
I've been talking the same way for years, so it can't be that serious.
-While attending church in Kennebunkport, Maine. "Can't act," he
explained, "Just have to be me."
I just am not one who - who flamboyantly believes in throwing a lot of words
around.
-On his reluctance of calling U.S. interference with Iraqi
shipping a "Blockade". Bush thought it gave the wrong impresion.
Look, how was the actual deployment thing?
-To astronauts aboard the Shuttle Atlantis.
I've got to be careful I don't overcheerlead on this economy.
-Expressing caution lest his optimism about the state of the
economy be mistaken as indifference to the plight of the
unemployed.
Well, I'm going to kick that one right into the end zone of the secretary of
education. But, yes, we have all - he travels a good deal, goes abroad. We
have alot of people in the department that does that. We're having an
international - this is not as much education as dealing with the environment
- a big international conference coming up. And we get it all the time -
exchanges of ideas. But I think we've got - we set out there - and I want to
give credit to your Governor McWherter and to your former governor Lamar
Alexander - we've gotten great ideas for a national goals program from - in
this country - from the governors who were responding to, maybe the principal
of your high school, for heaven's sake.
-Responding to ideas on education reform.
I saw a story yesterday that I went a little ballistic - which is only part
true - semiballistic.
-While announcing John Tower as the nominee for secretary of
defense.
I don't know that it would be my judgment - my - the function of the president
to suggest what employment somebody should take. If you ask me, would I like
to go out there, leaving my job and go to work for this sheik when I get
through being president, no, I wouldn't like to do that.
-At a press conferance on Sununu aide Edward Rogers' possible
conflict of interest in accepting a position with a Saudi
sheik for $600,000.
Look, if an American Marine is killed - if they kill an American Marine,
that's real bad. And if they threaten and brutalize the wife of an American
citizen, sexually threatening the lieutenant's wife while kicking him in the
groin over and over again, then, Mr. Gorbachev, please understand, this
president is going to do somthing about it.
-Especialy if they know about Iran-Contra!
I mean I think there'll be a lot of aftermaths in what happened, but we're
going forward.
-When announcing Dick Cheny as the nominee as the new seceratary
of defense.
The Democrats choked the throttle - pulled the throttle back of a slowing
economy while they hunted for every last morsel of partisan advantage.
-At an Oklahoma fund raiser.
I don't know whether I'd call it `cashing in'. I expect every president has
written his memoirs and recieved money for it. Indeed, I read that a former
president - was it Grant? Grant got half a million bucks - that's when half a
million really meant something.
-Defending Reagan from charges that the $5,000,000 he recieved
from his autobiography was cashing in on the presidancy.
I'm for Mr. Reagan - blindly.
-While campaining in '84.
I will never apologize for the United States of America. I don't care what the
facts are.
-to the Bush '88 Coalition of American Nationalities, confirming
that "I'm not an apologize-for-America kind of guy."
Theses, they're very dangerous. They trap you. Especially these furry ones...
it's these furry guys that get you in trouble. They can reach out and listen
to somthing so - keep it respectful here.
-at a photo opportunity with his fitness czar, Arnold
Schwarzeneggar, on the need for caution when near a microphone.
Those are two hypo-rhetorical questions.
-during the Bush-Dukakis presidential debat, probing Dukakis'
defense policy.
I'm not going to hypothecate that it may - anything goes too fast.
-on the speed of reform in Eastern Europe.
Hey, hey, nihaoma. Hey, yeah, yeah. Heil, heil - a kind of Hitler salute.
-greeting foriegn tourists at Lafayette Park on his way home from
church. (Nihaoma is Mandarin for "how are you?")
Watch quite a bit. I watch the news and I don't like to tell you this, because
you'll think I'm into some weird TV freak here, but we - I have a set upstairs
that has five screens on it and I can sit on my desk and whip - just punch a
button if I see one off on the corner, that moves into the middle screen, the
other one goes to the side. Then I can run up an down the - up and down the
dial. So I - and you can record all four - four going at once, while you -
when you're watching. I don't quite know how to do that yet. But I cite this
because Barbara accuses me of being too much - not too much, but plugged into
TV too often, put it that way. Love sports on TV.
-during a C-SPAN interview on his favorite pastimes.
I know what I've told you I'm going to say, I'm going to say. And what else I
say, well, I'll take some time to figure out - figure that all out.
-working on the "message thing"
You know, I mentioned - and with realy from the heart - the concept of going
across the river. to this little church and watching one of our children -
adopted kid - be baptized. And that made for me - it was very emotional for
me. It helped me in reaching a very personal view of this question. And I
don't know.
-responding to criticism that his position supporting prosecution
of abortionists, but not of women choosing abortion was a double
standard.
We're delighted to be here, Barbara and I. There's a danger: You have
President Reagan, Governor Deukmejian, and George Bush. Watch out - Overdose
of charisma! That's not too good.
-At a campaign rally in Los Angeles. "I think I'm a charismatic
sun of a gun." He then added "I'm not going to depend entirely
on that to win.
We're delighted to be here, Barbara and I. There's a danger: You have
President Reagan, Governor Deukmejian, and George Bush. Watch out - Overdose
of charisma! That's not too good.
-At a campaign rally in Los Angeles. "I think I'm a charismatic
sun of a gun." He then added "I'm not going to depend entirely
on that to win.
You need to be able to do more than `just say no'. You need to have the
confidance to look you false friends in the eyes and say `Hell, no, I don't
want any of that.'
-At an anti-drug rally in Denver. Bush was hoping to save
youngsters from people he once called "narced-up terrorist kinda
guys."
I had an opportunity to than him eyeball-to-eyeball for the best
communications I belive any two countries could possibly have had.
-at a press conferance following his Camp David meeting with
President Ozal of Turkey.
No your not going to see me stay put... I am not going to forsake my
responsibilities. You may not see me put as much - I mean, un-put as much.
-clarifying travel plans for the coming year.
Barbara: I think it's because I don't threaten anybody. I don't make any big
decisions, I'm trying to say this nicley so I won't hurt my own fealings.
But-I mean-no Marilyn Monroe am I. I'm just not a threat to anybody. I like
people. And I feal for them. Maybe more than I should that's good for me.
George: Maybe Joe DiMaggio disagrees with you.
Barbara: What's that mean? Marilyn Monroe?
George: I think - Marilyn Monroe - maybe has the same high regard.
Barbara: Well that's nice.
-during an interview with David Frost.
Please don't look at part of the glass, the part that is only less than half
full.
-On the defeat of his friend Dick Thornburghin
Fluency in English is somthing that I'm not often accused of.
-toasting Pakistani Prime Minister Benazir Bhuttoo at a White
House dinner.
And I guess with these cameras listening, be sure never to end your sentence
with a - without - end a sentance with a preposition because it will be duly
reported all across the countries by these gaurdians of the --
-Offering a quick grammar lesson to students.
All I was doing was appealing for an endorsement, not suggesting you endorse
it.
-To Roy Romer, governor of Colorodo, at a meeting of the National
Governors Association. After Bush outlined his growth plan, Romer
attacked it as being partisan.
I was shot down, and I was floating around in a little yellow raft, setting a
record for paddling. I thought of my family, my mom and dad, and the strength
I got from them. I thought of my faith, the seperation of church and state.
-relating his experiances in WWII.
This is not a tax break for the rich, it is a creation of small jobs.
-on his proposed capital gaines tax cut
And let me say in conclusion, thanks for the kids. I learned an awful lot
about bathtub toys - about how to work the telephone. One guy knows -
several of them know their own phone numbers - preperation to go to the
dentist. A lot of things I'd forgotten. So it's been a good day.
-at the Emily Harns Head Start center in Maryland.
My running mate took the lead, was the author, of the Job Training Partnership
Act. Now, because of alot of smoke and frenzying of bluefish out there, going
after a drop of blood in the water, nobody knows that.
-on Dan Quayle. He then stated "There's somthing very exciting
about putting some confidence in someone in his 30's or 40's."
She refurbished the White House with the dignity that is her legacy.
-on former first lady Nancy Reagan.
We have a complicated three-way conundrum at this point.
-on the dificulty of restoring the economy to post invasion
Panama while ensuring democracy and Panama's sovereignty (ha ha).
Bush: Let me be clear, I'm not in favor of new taxes. I'll repeat that over,
and over, and over again. And this one compromise that - where we begrudgingly
had to accespt revenues, revenue increases, is the exception that proves the
rule.
Reporter: The exception that proves what rule?
Bush: The rule that I'm strongly opposed to raising taxes.
-he justified his change of heart to reporters by saying "I'm
doing like Lincoln did, `Think anew.' I'm thinking anew"
It's no exaggeration to say the undecideds could go one way or another.
-At a campaign rally in Ohio in '88, speculating to local voters
that Ohio's 23 electorial votes might be the "swing votes" that
would determine the election.
I think there are some differences, there's no question, and will still be.
We're talking about a major, majore situation here... I mean we've got a major
rapport - relationship of economics, major in the security, and all of that,
we should not loose sight of.
-durring a conference before his vist to Japan, where he would
puke on Prime Minsister Miyazawa.
We have - I have - want to be positioned in that I could not possibly support
David Duke, because of the racism and because of the... bigotry and all of
this.
-distancing himself from Duke, whom he described as an "insicere
charlatan"
Boy, they were big on crematoriums, weren't they?
-during a tour of Auschwitz
When I need a little free advice about Saddam Hussein, I turn to country
music.
-at a country music awards ceremony in Nashville. He then refered
to the Nitty Gritty Dirt Band as the "Nitty Ditty Nitty Gritty
Great Bird"
Get this passed. Later on, we can all debate it.
-on his economic growth plan.
High tech is potent, precise, and in the end, unbeatable. The truth is, it
reminds a lot of people of the way I pitch horseshoes. Would you believe some
people? Would you believe our dog?
-on the importance of high tech.
Obviously when you see somebody go berserk and get a weapon and go in and
murder people, of course it troubles me.
-on the Killeen massacre, where a lone gunman killed 23 people in
Texas.
It has been said by some cynic, maybe a former president, "If you want a
friend in Washington, get a dog." We took them literaly - that advice -
as you know. But I didn't need that because I have Barbara Bush.
-I wonder what Barbara thought?
I'm delighted that Barbara Bush is with me today, and I - She got a good clean
bill of health yesterday from Walter Reed Hospital, I might add, and then -
But I'm taking another look at our doctor. He told her it's ok to kiss the dog
- I mean - no - it's ok to kiss your husband, but don't kiss the dog. So I
don't know exactly what that means.
-At a New Jersey high school.
Reporter: Do you know to what extent the U.S and Colombia are in fact
cooperating militarily now, in terms of interdiction efforts?
Bush: Well I - Yes I know that.
R: Can you share that with us?
B: No.
R: Why not, sir?
B: Because I don't feel like it.
-durring a press conference before attending the drug summit.
I don't want to just sit here blaming Congress. I mean, we're all in this
together.
-on a TV interview
I think the Congress should be blamed.
-several minutes later.
I'm not the most articulate emotionalist.
-at a question-and-answer session, following the Malta summit
with Gorbachev, when asked "what was it like for you sitting
across from this man."
I am less intersted in what the definition is. You might argue technically,
are we in a recession or not. But when there's this kind of slugishness and
concerns - defintions, heck with it.
-At an interview in Philidelphia.
I had a good long talk bilaterally with Francois Mitterrand this morning.
-during a news conferance, after a Nato confereance in Rome.
If your worried about the caribou, take a look at the arguments that were used
about the pipeline. They'd say the caribou would be extinct. You've got to
shake them away with a stick. They're all making love lying up against the
pipeline and you got thousands of caribou up there.
-At a Bush/Quayle '92 fund raiser, defending his plan to offer
oil companies "enviromentaly responsive access" to the Alaskan
National Wildlife Reserve.
If you want to have a philosophical discussion, I take your point, because I
think it is important that if we - that if you presented me with a hypothesis,
"You've got to do this or you've got to do that," and I would accept it and
understand the political risks that'd be involved if I showed any flexibility
at all in even discussing it - I would have to say that - that a - that you
make a very valid point in your question, because, as I tried to indicate in
my remarks, it's job creation, and that is attraction of capital that is realy
the best antidote to poverty.
-Money is an antidote to poverty? Where did he get that crazy
idea???
----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Thanks to the editors of the New Republic for compiling and finding most
of these quotes!
This list was typed completly by Asher Feldman. You can do whatever you want
with it, but please leave this, and the info at the top intact. I plan on
maintaining and updating this list. If you have an addition/corection/comment
than feal free to send me E-mail at the following adresses :
PORTAL : Wizard0
NETCOM : asher
Internet : asher@netcom.com
OR
wizard0@cup.portal.com
If you have any lists of funny Bush/Quayle quotes, or related material, please
send them to me. My U.S. Snail adress is
Asher Feldman
4791 Calle de Tosca
San Jose, CA 95118
and your name will be added to the list.
Please excuse any and all spelling errors.

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The recent "Buy American" hysteria has raised the question of just
which common products are, in fact, made by American companies.
Here's a quiz:
1. The parent company of Braun household appliances is:
a) Swiss; b) German; c) American; d) Japanese
2. Bic pens are:
a) Japanese; b) Czech; c) American; d) French
3. The maker of Haagen-Dazs ice cream is based in:
a) France; b) Sweden; c) Britain; d) America
4. RCA televisions are made by a company based in:
a) Japan; b) America; c) France; d) Korea
5. The parent of Arrow shirts is:
a) Thai; b) Italian; c) American; d) French
6. Godiva chocolate is:
a) French; b) Belgian; c) Swiss; d) American
7. Vaseline's owner is:
a) American; b) French; c) Anglo-Dutch; d) German
8. Firestone tires are:
a) Japanese; b) American; c) German; d) French
9. Holiday Inns are owned by a company based in:
a) France; b) America; c) Britain; d) Saudi Arabia
10. Tropicana orange juice is owned by a company based in:
a) Brazil; b) Canada; c) Mexico; d) America
11. Jaguar cars are made by a company based in:
a) Germany; b) Britain; c) America; d) Japan
12. Atari video games are:
a) Korean; b) American; c) Japanese; d) Malaysian
Answers: 1. (c) Braun is American (Gillette Co.)
2. (d) Bic is French (Bic SA)
3. (c) Haagen-Dasz is British (Grand Metropolitan PLC)
4. (c) RCA is French (Thomson SA)
5. (d) Arrow is French (Bidermann International)
6. (d) Godiva is American (Campbell Soup Co.)
7. (c) Vaseline is Anglo-Dutch (Unilever PLC)
8. (a) Firestone is Japanese (Bridgestone Corp.)
9. (c) Holiday Inns is British (Bass PLC)
10. (b) Tropicana is Canadian (Seagram Co. Ltd.)
11. (c) Jaguar is American (Ford Motor Co.)
12. (b) Atari is American (Atari Corp.).
---
* Origin: *PowerSurge!* (23:914/0)

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BLUEPRINT FOR A TAKEOVER
Back in 1944 a great Congressman (Samuel Pettengill) warned that communism
wanted America to spend itself into bankruptcy and was striving in every
way to get Americans to become totally dependent on a centralized government.
He gave to his fellow members of the House of Representatives the 12 points
of the Socialist Manifesto for the economic destruction of free governments.
We need, desperately, to review his words. In order to prepare a nation for
socialism or communism he said:
"The people must be made to feel their utter helplessness and their inability
to solve their own problems. While in this state of mind, there is held up
before them a benign and all-wise leader to whom they must look for the cure
for all thir ills. This state of mind is most readily developed in a time of
ecomonic stress or national diaster.
"The principle of local self-government must be wiped out, so that this
leader or group in control can have all political power readily at hand.
"The centralized government, while appearing in form to represent the people,
must dutifully register the will of the leader or group in control .
"Constitutuional guarantees must be swept aside. This is accomplished in part
by ridiculing them as outmoded and as obstructions to progress.
"Public faith in the legal profession and respect for the courts must be
undermined..
"The law-making body must be intimidated and from time to time rebuked, so
as to prevent the development of public confidence therin.
"Economically, the people must be kept ground down by high taxes, which,
under one pretext or another, they are called upon to pay. This, they are
brought to a common level and all income above a meager living is taken
from them. In this manner,ecomomic independence is kept to a minimin and
the citizen is forced to rely more amd more upon the government that
controls him. Capital and credits is this completely within the control
of the government.
"A great public debt must be built up so that citizens can never escape
its burdens. This makes govenment the virtual receiver for the entire nation.
"A general distrust of private business and industry must be kept alive,
so that the public may not begin to rely upon its own resources.
"Government bureaus are set up to control practically every phase of the
citizen's life. These bureaus issue directives without number, but all
under the authority of the leader to whom they are immediately responsible.
It is a government of men, and not of laws.
"The education of the youth of the nation is taken under control to the end
that all may, at an early age, be incoculated with a spirit of submission to
the system and of reverence for the benevolennt leader.
"To supplement and fortify all the foreging, there is kept flowing a steady
stream of governmental propaganda designed to extol all that bow the knee,
and to vilify those who dare to raise a voice of dissent."
These are the twelve points in the blueprint of the communists to take over
this nation via economic manipulation as prsented by Samuel Pettengill.
Stop and go back over them and ask yourself how near to total completion and
fulfullmenmt America is at this present moment to every one of them.
Remember Lenin said in 1921 . . . "They will spend themselves into
bankruptcy . . . they will commit national suicide." Stalin said, "We
won't have to fire a single shot . . . they will fall, like overripe fruit,
into our hands."
But finally, let us remember the words of our own Thomas Jefferson, author
of the Declaration of Independence, third President and one of the wisest of
our Founding Fathers. He said, "If we let Washington tell us what to sow and
when to reap, the nation shall soom want for bread."
-----------------------------------------------------------------------------
Karl Marx said, "Spend Them To Death." Americans will master plan their own
destruction by taxing and spending themselves to death and will fall to us
like over-ripe apples!
-From Karl Marx Manifesto
------------------------------------------------------------------------------
**** PLEASE REPRODUCE THIS PACKET AND PASS ON, THANK YOU - AND MAY GOD
**** BLESS YOU - AND AMERICA !!! (602) 997-4624
==============================================================================
======================== T H E E N D =================================
==============================================================================


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Version 2.1
August 17, 1992
The By-Laws of EFF-Austin
I. Introduction
These are the by-laws of EFF-Austin, a non-profit organization
incorporated under the laws of the State of Texas. These by-laws
are adopted by the Board of Directors, under the authority of the
Articles of Incorporation of EFF-Austin, and pursuant to the goals,
powers and limitations set out therein.
EFF-Austin shall from time to time informally conduct
activities and correspond with others under the name "Electronic
Frontier Foundation -- Austin Chapter" to signify its relationship
with its parent national organization: The Electronic Frontier
Foundation.
II. Boards, Officers and Members
A. Board of Directors
Section (1) -- General Powers
The business and affairs of the Corporation shall be managed by its
Board of Directors (the Board).
Section (2) -- Number, & Tenure of Directors
The number of seats on the Board shall be 9. Each director shall
hold office until a majority of the Board votes to replace the
director, or until the director resigns. A seat on the board is
to be considered vacant if the director holding the seat is absent
from 2 consecutive meetings as described in section (3) below.
Section (3) -- Regular Meetings
A regular meeting of the Board shall be held, without other notice
than this by-law, on the second Tuesday of each month, at a place
to be determined by the Board. The Board may provide, by
resolution, the time and the place for additional regular meetings
without notice other than such resolution.
Section (4) -- Special Meetings
Special meetings of the Board shall be called by the Secretary at
the request of any 2 directors. The Secretary may fix any place,
within or without the city of Austin, Texas, as a place for holding
any special meeting of the Board called by them.
Section (5) -- Notice
Notice of any special meeting shall be given at least two days
previously thereto by written notice, telephone call, or electronic
means to each director at his business or home address or telephone
number. The Board shall define a procedure which, if followed,
will be deemed to provide a board member with constructive notice
of special meetings.
Section (6) -- Quorum
A majority of the number of current directors shall constitute a
quorum for the transaction of business at any meeting of the board
of directors.
Section (7) -- Manner of Acting
The act of the majority of current directors at a meeting at which
a quorum is present shall be the act of the Board.
Section (8) -- Action Without A Meeting
Any action required or permitted to be taken by the Board at a
meeting may be taken without a meeting if consent in writing,
setting forth the action so taken, shall be signed by all of the
directors.
Section (9) -- Telephone Meetings
Any or all of the directors may participate in a meeting of the
Board by means of a conference telephone or similar
communications equipment by means which all persons in the meeting
can communicate with each other at the same time; and participation
by such means shall constitute presence in person at any such
meeting.
Section (10) -- Vacancies
Any vacancies occurring on the Board may be filled by an
affirmative vote of a majority of the remaining directors though
less than a quorum of the Board. A director so elected shall
immediately replace his predecessor.
Section (11) -- Presumption of Assent
A director of the Corporation who is present at a meeting of
the Board at which action on any matter is taken, shall be presumed
to have assented to the action unless his dissent is entered in
the minutes of the meeting or unless he shall file his written
dissent to such action with the person acting as the Secretary of
the meeting before the approval of the minutes thereof.
B. Officers
The Board shall elect a President, Vice President, Secretary and
Treasurer whose duties will be determined by the Board. The Board
may appoint assistants to these officers or create new positions
as seen fit. Officers, assistants, and any others appointed by the
board shall serve until such time as they resign, or are replaced
or removed by the Board.
C. Advisory Board
Section (1) -- Appointment
The Board of Directors from time to time shall appoint individuals
to an Advisory Board, providing such individuals have consented to
said appointment.
Section (2) -- Nature and Tenure
The Advisory Board shall act in accordance with guidelines provided
by the Board of Directors. Advisory Board members shall serve on
the Advisory Board at the discretion of the Board of Directors,
until such time as they may be replaced or removed.
D. Members
The Board shall set any and all membership requirement including,
but not limited to: fees, dues, residency and any other
requirements except for those in violation of (E) below. A
membership shall last until the end of the month one year following
the month a membership is accepted.
E. Non-discrimination policy
Under no circumstances shall the following criteria be used to
limit or favor membership, appointment to the Board or Advisory
Board, or to affect any other decision making process:
An individual's race, sex, religious affiliation, national origin,
or sexual preference.
III. Contractual Obligations
All deeds, leases, transfers, contracts, bonds, notes and other
obligations (including checks) authorized on behalf of the
corporation shall be signed by two of the four officers appointed
in accordance with these bylaws.
IV. Fiscal Year
The fiscal year of EFF-Austin shall begin on the first day of
January and end on the last day of December.
V. Books and Records
EFF-Austin shall keep correct and complete books and records of
account pursuant to the Texas Non-Profit Corporation Act and any
other relevant laws. Any person with a proper purpose in relation
to EFF-Austin may, after a written request, inspect and copy the
corporation's books and records, and may do so through his attorney
or agent. The Board may establish reasonable inspection and
copying fees to cover material and labor involved. A member of
EFF-Austin can request that a financial audit be performed by an
accounting firm of his choice, providing that said member cover all
associated costs and fees, and that said member does not subject
EFF-Austin to more than one audit per year.
VI. Miscellaneous Provisions
A. Legal Construction
The by-laws shall be construed in accordance with the laws of the
State of Texas. All reference in the bylaws to statutes,
regulations, or other sources of legal authority shall refer to the
authorities cited, or their successors, as they may be amended from
time to time.
B. Headings
The headings used in the by-laws are used for convenience and shall
not be considered in construing the terms of the by-laws.
C. Gender
Wherever the context requires, all words in the by-laws in the male
gender shall be deemed to include the female or neuter gender, all
singular words shall include the plural, and all plural words
shall include the singular.
VII. Bylaw Revision
These bylaws may be altered, amended or repealed and new by-laws
may be adopted by the Board at any regular or special meeting.
CERTIFICATE OF SECRETARY
I certify that I am the duly elected and acting secretary of EFF-
Austin and that the foregoing By-laws constitute the by-laws of the
Corporation. These by-laws were duly adopted at a meeting of the
Board of Directors held on __________________, 1992.
Dated: _________________, 1992
___________________________
Steve Jackson
Secretary
EFF-Austin


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The Crypto Anarchist Manifesto
Timothy C. May
tcmay@netcom.com
A specter is haunting the modern world, the specter of crypto
anarchy.
Computer technology is on the verge of providing the ability for
individuals and groups to communicate and interact with each other
in a totally anonymous manner. Two persons may exchange
messages, conduct business, and negotiate electronic contracts
without ever knowing the True Name, or legal identity, of the other.
Interactions over networks will be untraceable, via extensive re-
routing of encrypted packets and tamper-proof boxes which
implement cryptographic protocols with nearly perfect assurance
against any tampering. Reputations will be of central importance, far
more important in dealings than even the credit ratings of today.
These developments will alter completely the nature of government
regulation, the ability to tax and control economic interactions, the
ability to keep information secret, and will even alter the nature of
trust and reputation.
The technology for this revolution--and it surely will be both a social
and economic revolution--has existed in theory for the past decade.
The methods are based upon public-key encryption, zero-knowledge
interactive proof systems, and various software protocols for
interaction, authentication, and verification. The focus has until now
been on academic conferences in Europe and the U.S., conferences
monitored closely by the National Security Agency. But only recently
have computer networks and personal computers attained sufficient
speed to make the ideas practically realizable. And the next ten
years will bring enough additional speed to make the ideas
economically feasible and essentially unstoppable. High-speed
networks, ISDN, tamper-proof boxes, smart cards, satellites, Ku-band
transmitters, multi-MIPS personal computers, and encryption chips
now under development will be some of the enabling technologies.
The State will of course try to slow or halt the spread of this
technology, citing national security concerns, use of the technology
by drug dealers and tax evaders, and fears of societal disintegration.
Many of these concerns will be valid; crypto anarchy will allow
national secrets to be traded freely and will allow illicit and stolen
materials to be traded. An anonymous computerized market will
even make possible abhorrent markets for assassinations and
extortion. Various criminal and foreign elements will be active users
of CryptoNet. But this will not halt the spread of crypto anarchy.
Just as the technology of printing altered and reduced the power of
medieval guilds and the social power structure, so too will
cryptologic methods fundamentally alter the nature of corporations
and of government interference in economic transactions. Combined
with emerging information markets, crypto anarchy will create a
liquid market for any and all material which can be put into words
and pictures. And just as a seemingly minor invention like barbed
wire made possible the fencing-off of vast ranches and farms, thus
altering forever the concepts of land and property rights in the
frontier West, so too will the seemingly minor discovery out of an
arcane branch of mathematics come to be the wire clippers which
dismantle the barbed wire around intellectual property.
Arise, you have nothing to lose but your barbed wire fences!
..........................................................................
Timothy C. May | Crypto Anarchy: encryption, digital money,
tcmay@netcom.com | anonymous networks, digital pseudonyms, zero
408-688-5409 | knowledge, reputations, information markets,
W.A.S.T.E.: Aptos, CA | black markets, collapse of governments.
Higher Power: 2^756839 | PGP Public Key: by arrangement.
X-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-X
Another file downloaded from: The NIRVANAnet(tm) Seven
& the Temple of the Screaming Electron Taipan Enigma 510/935-5845
Burn This Flag Zardoz 408/363-9766
realitycheck Poindexter Fortran 510/527-1662
Lies Unlimited Mick Freen 801/278-2699
The New Dork Sublime Biffnix 415/864-DORK
The Shrine Rif Raf 206/794-6674
Planet Mirth Simon Jester 510/786-6560
"Raw Data for Raw Nerves"
X-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-X

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***** Reformatted. Please distribute.
CLINTON/GORE ON CAMPAIGN FINANCE REFORM
American politics is held hostage by big money
interests. Members of Congress now collect more
than $2.5 million in campaign funds every week
while Political Action Committees, industry
lobbies, and cliques of $100,000 donors buy access
to Congress and the White House.
George Bush recently vetoed the 1992 Campaign
Finance Reform Bill in order to protect the special
interest that support him. American pay for this
system in decreased environmental and worker safety
regulations, increased health care costs, and
weakened consumer regulations.
Bill Clinton and Al Gore believe it's long past
time to clean up Washington. As part of their plan
to fight the cynicism that is gripping the American
people, Bill Clinton and Al gore will support and
sign strong campaign finance reform legislation to
bring down the cost of campaigning and encourage
real competition.
We can't go four more years without a plan to take
away power form the entrenched bureaucracies and
special interests that dominate Washington.
The Clinton/Gore Plan
* Place voluntary spending caps on House and
Senate Races, depending on a state's
population. These caps will level the playing
field and encourage challengers to enter the
race.
* Limit political action committee (PAC)
contributions to the $1000 legal limit for
individuals.
* Reduce the cost to television air time to
promote real discussion and turn TV into an
instrument of education, not a weapon of
political assassination.
* Eliminate tax deductions for special interest
lobbying expenses and the "lawyer' loophole,"
which allows lawyer-lobbyists to disguise
lobbying activities on behalf of foreign
governments and powerful corporations.
* Require lobbyists who appear before
Congressional committees to disclose the
campaign contributions they've made to members
of those committees. The public has a right
to know when moneyed interests are trying
influence elected officials in Washington.
* End the unlimited "soft" money contributions
that are funneled through national, state, and
local parties to Presidential candidates.
The Record
* In the face of legislative resistance and
powerful opposition form special interests,
Governor Clinton spearheaded a successful
citizen's initiative to adopt an Ethics and
Lobbyist Disclosure Act which requires
professional lobbyists to disclose the amount
of money they spend to influence public
officials, and public officials to disclose
information about their income and financial
holdings.
* Senator Gore voted for the Senate Elections
Ethics Act which establishes spending limits
on Senate campaigns, prohibits Federal office
holders and candidates from raising "soft
money," eliminates "leadership PACs," and
encourages cleaner campaigns.

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Newsgroups: bit.listserv.words-l
Comments: Gated by NETNEWS@AUVM.AMERICAN.EDU
Message-ID: <01GTWG1NEDEE001H7J@camins.Camosun.BC.CA>
Date: Sun, 24 Jan 1993 14:59:52 -0800
Sender: English Language Discussion Group <WORDS-L@uga.cc.uga.edu>
From: Peter Montgomery <MONTGOMERY@CAMINS.CAMOSUN.BC.CA>
Subject: Official Canadian Document on Handicap Language: c 560 lines
Lines: 579
A
W A Y
with
W O R D S
GUIDELINES AND APPROPRIATE TERMINOLOGY
FOR THE PORTRAYAL OF PERSONS WITH DISABILITIES
Separate Insert Sheet with Terminology List:
TERMINOLOGY GUIDE
CONCERNING PERSONS WITH DISABLITIES
Do not use or say Do use or say
Aged (The) SENIORS
elderly (The) Adjectives like frail, senile or feeble
suggest a negative image of seniors
and should not be used.
Birth defect PERSON WITH A DISABILITY SINCE
congenital defect BIRTH, PERSON WHO HAS A
deformity CONGENITAL DISABILITY
Blind (The) PERSON WHO IS BLIND, PERSON
visually impaired (the) WITH A VISUAL IMPAIRMENT
Confined to a wheelchair PERSON WHO USES A
wheelchair bound WHEELCHAIR, WHEELCHAIR USER
For individuals with a mobility
impairment, a wheelchair is a
means to get around independently.
Cripple PERSON WITH A DISABILITY,
crippled PERSON WITH A MOBILITY
lame IMPAIRMENT, PERSON WHO
HAS ARTHRITIS, A SPINAL CORD
INJURY,ETC.
Deaf (The) PERSON WHO IS DEAF
When referring to the entire deaf
population and their culture it is
acceptable to use "the deaf".
Hard of hearing (The) PERSON WHO IS HARD OF
hearing impaired (the) HEARING
These individuals are not deaf and
may compensate for a hearing loss
with an amplification device or
system.
Epileptic (The) PERSON WHO HAS EPILEPSY
Fit SEIZURE
Hnadicapped (The) PERSON WITH A DISABILITY
UNLESS REFERRING TO AN
ENVIRONMENTAL OR ATTITUDINAL BARRIER
In such instances "Person who is
handicapped by" is appropriate.
Insane PERSONS WITH A MENTAL
lunatic HEALTH DISABILITY, PERSON WHO
maniac HAS SCHIZOPHRENIA, PERSON
mental patient WHO HAS DEPRESSION
mentally diseased It is important to remember that
neurotic the development of appropriate
psycho terminology is still in progress;how-
psychotic ever, the above terms are currently
schizophrenic in use. The term "insane" (unsound
unsound mind mind) should only be used in strictly
legal sense. Obviously, words such
as "crazy", "demented", "deviant"
"loony", "mad" and "nuts" should
be avoided.
Invalid PERSON WITH A DISABILITY
The literal sense of the word
"invalid" is "not valid".
Mentally Retarded PERSON WITH AN INTELLECTUAL
defective DISABILITY, PERSON WHO IS
feeble minded INTELLECTUALLY IMPAIRED
idiot One can say, a person with
imbecile Down's syndrome, only if relevant
moron to the story.
retarded
simple
mongoloid
Normal PERSON WHO IS NOT DISABLED
Normal is only acceptable in refer-
ence to statistics, e.g., "the norm".
Patient PERSON WITH A DISABILITY
Unless the relationship being referred
to is between a doctor and client.
Physically challenged PERSON WITH A DISABILITY
differently able
Spastic PERSON WHO HAS SPASMS
Spastic should never be used as
a noun.
Suffers from PERSON WITH A DISABILITY,
afflicted PERSON WHO HAS CEREBRAL
stricken with PALSY,ETC.
Having a disability is not synony-
mous with suffering.
Victim of cerebral palsy PERSON WHO HAS CEREBRAL
multiple sclerosis, PALSY, MULTIPLE SCLEROSIS,
arthritis, etc ARTHRITIS, ETC., PERSON
WITH A DISABILITY, PERSON
WITH A MOBILITY IMPAIRMENT
A
WAY
WITH
WORDS
Guidelines and appropriate
terminology for the portrayal
of persons with disabilities
Produced by
Status of Disabled Persons Secretariat
Department of the Secretary of State
of Canada
Ottawa, Ontario
KlA OM5
(819) 997-2412 (VOICE and TDD)
This booklet is available in alternate media format.
Ce guide est egalement disponible en francais.
c Minister of Supply and Services Canada 1991
Cat No. S2-216/1991 E
ISBN 0-662-18713-X
I N T R O D U C T I 0 N
Language is a powerful and important tool in
shaping ideas, perceptions, and ultimately,
public attitudes.
Words are a mirror of society's attitudes and
perceptions. Attitudes can be the most diffi-
cult barrier persons with disabilities must face
in gaining full integration, acceptance and
participation in society.
Careful presentation of information about per-
sons with disabilities can help overcome neg-
ative attitudes and shape positive ones. The
Standing Committee on the Status of Disabled
Persons found in its report No News is Bad
News that vocabulary con create perception.
Demeaning, belittling or negative words are
a barrier to greater understanding and can
trivialize genuine support given by a commu-
nity to persons with disabilities.
Language use is changing as persons with
disabilities claim their individual and collec-
tive right to participate fully in society.
Dated and disparaging words are being
replaced with precise, descriptive terms
which have specific meanings that are not
interchangeable.
1
Persons with disabilities are asking, just as
women and minority groups are asking, that
the media use respectful terms in writing
about them or issues that affect their lives.
Individuals with disabilities are working to
achieve equality, independence and full par-
ticipation in our society. The ways in which
issues are reported and the use of proper ter-
minology can help persons with disabilities
reach these goals.
P U R P O S E :
This booklet suggests current and appropriate
terminology to reflect the increased participa-
tion by Canadians with disabilities in our
society. This booklet is intended to encour-
age and promote fair and accurate portrayal
of persons with disabilities. It is primarily
designed for print and broadcast media pro-
fessionals writing and reporting about issues
of concern to persons with disabilities.
C O N T E N T:
This booklet has two sections and a remov-
able insert. GENERAL GUIDELINES has infor-
mation on terminology and portrayal of
persons with disabilities.
2
MEDIA COVERAGE OF PERSONS WITH
DISABILITIES deals with reporting on issues of
concern to persons with disabilities. The
removable insert suggests appropriate termi-
nology.
G E N E R A L G U I D E L I N E S:
1. It is important to remember that each
word in today's terminology has a pre-
cise meaning and that the words are not
interchangeable.
2 "Disabled" and "handicapped" are not
the same thing. A disability is a function-
al limitation or restriction of an individu-
al's ability to perform an activity. A
"handicap" is an environmental or attitu-
dinal barrier that limits the opportunity for
a person to participate fully. Negative
attitudes or inaccessible entrances to
buildings are examples of handicaps.
3 The word "disabled" is an adjective, not
a noun. People are not conditions. Do
not use "the disabled"; use "persons with
disabilities".
4 Focus on the issue rather than the disability.
If the disability is not relevant to the story,
it is not necessary to report it.
3
5 Try to avoid categorizing persons with
disabilities as either super-achievers or
tragic figures. Choose words that are
non-judgemental, non-emotional and are
accurate descriptions. Avoid using
"brave", "courageous", "inspirational" or
other similar words that are routinely used
to describe a person with a disability.
Remember that the majority of persons
with disabilities are average and typical
of the rest of the population.
Similarly, references which cause discom-
fort, quilt, pity or insult, should be avoided.
Words like "suffers from stricken with",
"afflicted by", "patient", "disease" or
"sick" suggest constant pain and a sense
of hopelessness. While this may be the
case for some individuals, a disability is a
condition that does not necessarily cause
pain or require medical attention.
6 Avoid the use of words such as "burden
"incompetent", "defective", "special",
etc. which suggest that persons with
disabilities should be treated differently or
be excluded from activities generally
available in the community.
4
7 Be particularly careful with terminology
used in headlines. Remember that head-
lines make the first impression.
8 Refer to technical aids in factual, non-
emotional terms. Avoid prolonged focus
on support equipment.
9 Persons with disabilities are comfortable
with the terminology used to describe
daily living activities. Persons who use
wheelchairs go for "walks". people with
visual impairments "see" what you mean,
etc. A disability may just mean that some
things are done in a different manner;
however, that does not mean the words
used to describe the activity must be
different.
10 Remember that although some disabilities
are not visible, it does not mean they are
less real. Individuals with invisible dis-
abilities such as epilepsy, haemophilia,
mental health, learning, or developmental
disabilities also encounter negative
attitudes and barriers.
5
M E D I A C O V E R A G E
O F P E R S O N S W I T H
D I S A B I L I T I E S
Researching, Writing and Reporting
1 Too often, when a person with a disability
is featured in a story that has several pos-
sible angles, the human interest story line
dominates, e.g., how the individual has
overcome great odds.
2 There are few examples of in-depth cover-
age of issues of particular importance to
persons with disabilities (e.g., lack of
physical access to facilities, employment,
poverty, etc.).
3 Persons with disabilities are seldom asked
for their views on stories dealing with
transportation, the environment, child
care, etc.
The media can help create and reinforce
positive attitudes towards persons with
disabilities. Progress has been made in
recent years and media professionals are
asking advice on how to report on,
discuss, and write about disability.
6
Bridging the Communicutions Gap
Here are some suggestions to improve com-
munications with persons with disabilities.
1 When talking with a person with a disability
speak directly to him/her rather than
through a companion who may be there.
2 Avoid putting persons with disabilities on
a pedestal and using patronizing terms.
Interview a person with a disability as
you would any other person.
3 Do not unnecessarily emphasize differences.
Having a "one of them" versus a "one of us"
attitude only serves to reinforce barriers.
4 In visual treatments (e.g., television,
photographs), do not dwell on technical
aids or adaptive devices unless, of
course, the purpose is to introduce or
discuss a particular aid or device.
Following an interview, ask yourself:
1 Am I writing this piece because it involves
a person with a disability or because the
issue and related circumstances are rele-
vant to the general population? If it did
not involve a person with a disability,
would I still want to write it?
7
2 Is a reference to a disability necessary to
the story? If it is, am I using the correct
terminology (e.g., "uses a wheelchair",
and not "confined to a wheelchair")?
3 Is this piece accurate and unbiased?
Have I avoided sensationalism?
C O N C L U S I O N
Journalists can contribute to a more positive
and accurate image of persons with disabili-
ties. The information provided to the general
public, and the ways in which this informa-
tion is presented, often create a framework
for the attitudes people have and the ways in
which they interact with individuals with dis-
abilities. If the coverage of disability-related
issues is done in a non-emotional, factual and
integrative manner, the public will no doubt
begin to question the prejudices and stereo-
types that still exist.
8
R E F E R E N C E S :
Editing Canadian English. Prepared for the
Freelance Editors Association of Canada.
Guidelines for Reporting ond Writing About
People with Disabilities. Archalert, Volume 4,
No. 7.
No News is Bad News. Standing Committee
on the Status of Disabled Persons, House of
Commons.
Portraying People with Disabilities. National
Easter Seal Society (Chicago, Illinois).
"Watch Your Longuoge. Words Shape
Attitudes". Frances Strong (appeared in the
Rehabilitation Digest, winter, 1989).
Word Choices. A lexicon of preferred terms
for disability issues. Office for Disabled
Persons, Government of Ontario.
Words with Dignity. Ontario March of
Dimes.
Worthless or Wonderful: The Social
Stereotyping of Persons with Disobilities.
Status of Disabled Persons Secretariat,
Department of the Secretary of State of
Canada.
9
O R G A N I Z A T I 0 N S
C O N S U L T E D
Canadian Association for Community Living
(CACL)
4700 Keele Street, Kinsmen Building
Toronto, Ontario
M3J 1P3
(416) 661-9611
Canadian Association of the Deaf (CAD)
2435 Holly Lane, Suite 205
Ottawa, Ontario
KlV 7P2
(613) 526-4785
Canadian Council of the Blind (CCB)
396 Cooper Street
Ottawa, Ontario
K2P 2H7
(613) 567-0311
Canadian Hard of Hearing Association
(CHHA)
2435 Holly Lane, Suite 205
Ottawa, Ontario
KIV 7P2
VOICE (613) 526-1584,
TDD (613) 526-2692
10
Canadian Mental Health Association (CMHA)
2160 Yonge Street
Toronto, Ontario
M4S 2Z3
(416) 484-7750
Canadian National Institute for the Blind
(CNIB)
1931 Bayview Avenue
Toronto, Ontario
M4G 4C8
(416) 486-2500
Canadian Paraplegic Association (CPA)
520 Sutherland Drive
Toronto, Ontario
M4G 3V9
(416) 391-0203
Coalition of Provincial Organizations
of the Handicapped (COPOH)
624-294 Portage Avenue
Winnipeg, Manitoba
R3C OB9
(204) 947-0303
Learning Disabilities Association
of Canada (LDAC)
323 Chapel Street
Ottawa, Ontario
KlN 7Z2
(613) 238-5721
11
National People First
4700 Keele Street, Kinsmen Building
Toronto, Ontario
M3J 1P3
(416) 661-9611
Canadian Deaf and Hard of
Hearing Forum (CDHHF)
2435 Holly Lane, Suite 205
Ottawa, Ontario
KIV 7P2
VOICE (613) 526-4867,
TDD (613) 526-2492
National Educational Association
of Disabled Students (NEADS)
4th Level Unicentre
Carleton University
Ottawa, Ontario
K1S 5B6
(613) 233-5963
One Voice Seniors Network
350 Sparks Street, Suite 901
Ottawa, Ontario
K1R 7S8
(613) 238-7624
12
The Society for Depression and Manic-
Depression of Manitoba
4-1 000 Notre-Dame Avenue
Winnipeg, Manitoba
R3F 0N3
(204) 786-0987
Canadian Friends of Schizophrenics
95 Barber Greene Road, Suite 309
Don Mills, Ontario
M3C 3F9
(416) 445-820A
13

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The Electronic Frontier Foundation
==================================
1001 G Street NW, Suite 950 E
Washington DC 20001 USA
+1 202 347 5400 (voice)
+1 202 393 5509 (fax)
+1 202 638 6120 (BBS)
Internet: ask@eff.org
* EFF Wants You (to add your voice to the crypto fight!) *
The Electronic Frontier Foundation needs your help to ensure privacy rights!
* DISTRIBUTE WIDELY *
Monday, February 7th, 1994
From: Jerry Berman, Executive Director of EFF
jberman@eff.org
Dear Friends on the Electronic Frontier,
I'm writing a personal letter to you because the time has now come for
action. On Friday, February 4, 1994, the Administration announced that it
plans to proceed on every front to make the Clipper Chip encryption scheme
a national standard, and to discourage the development and sale of
alternative powerful encryption technologies. If the government succeeds
in this effort, the resulting blow to individual freedom and privacy could
be immeasurable.
As you know, over the last three years, we at EFF have worked to ensure
freedom and privacy on the Net. Now I'm writing to let you know about
something *you* can do to support freedom and privacy. *Please take a
moment to send e-mail to U.S. Rep. Maria Cantwell (cantwell@eff.org) to
show your support of H.R. 3627, her bill to liberalize export controls on
encryption software.* I believe this bill is critical to empowering
ordinary citizens to use strong encryption, as well as to ensuring that
the U.S. software industry remains competitive in world markets.
Here are some facts about the bill:
Rep. Cantwell introduced H.R. 3627 in the House of Representatives on
November 22, 1993. H.R. 3627 would amend the Export Control Act to move
authority over the export of nonmilitary software with encryption
capabilities from the Secretary of State (where the intelligence community
traditionally has stalled such exports) to the Secretary of Commerce. The
bill would also invalidate the current license requirements for
nonmilitary software containing encryption capablities, unless there is
substantial evidence that the software will be diverted, modified or
re-exported to a military or terroristic end-use.
If this bill is passed, it will greatly increase the availability of
secure software for ordinary citizens. Currently, software developers do
not include strong encryption capabilities in their products, because the
State Department refuses to license for export any encryption technology
that the NSA can't decipher. Developing two products, one with less secure
exportable encryption, would lead to costly duplication of effort, so even
software developed for sale in this country doesn't offer maximum
security. There is also a legitimate concern that software companies will
simply set up branches outside of this country to avoid the export
restrictions, costing American jobs.
The lack of widespread commercial encryption products means that it will
be very easy for the federal government to set its own standard--the
Clipper Chip standard. As you may know, the government's Clipper Chip
initiative is designed to set an encryption standard where the government
holds the keys to our private conversations. Together with the Digital
Telephony bill, which is aimed at making our telephone and computer
networks "wiretap-friendly," the Clipper Chip marks a dramatic new effort
on the part of the government to prevent us from being able to engage in
truly private conversations.
We've been fighting Clipper Chip and Digital Telephony in the policy arena
and will continue to do so. But there's another way to fight those
initiatives, and that's to make sure that powerful alternative encryption
technologies are in the hands of any citizen who wants to use them. The
government hopes that, by pushing the Clipper Chip in every way short of
explicitly banning alternative technologies, it can limit your choices for
secure communications.
Here's what you can do:
I urge you to write to Rep. Cantwell today at cantwell@eff.org. In the
Subject header of your message, type "I support HR 3627." In the body of
your message, express your reasons for supporting the bill. EFF will
deliver printouts of all letters to Rep. Cantwell. With a strong showing
of support from the Net community, Rep. Cantwell can tell her colleagues
on Capitol Hill that encryption is not only an industry concern, but also
a grassroots issue. *Again: remember to put "I support HR 3627" in your
Subject header.*
This is the first step in a larger campaign to counter the efforts of
those who would restrict our ability to speak freely and with privacy.
Please stay tuned--we'll continue to inform you of things you can do to
promote the removal of restrictions on encryption.
In the meantime, you can make your voice heard--it's as easy as e-mail.
Write to cantwell@eff.org today.
Sincerely,
Jerry Berman
Executive Director, EFF
jberman@eff.org
P.S. If you want additional information about the Cantwell bill, send
e-mail to cantwell-info@eff.org. To join EFF, write membership@eff.org.
For introductory info about EFF, send any message to info@eff.org.
The text of the Cantwell bill can be found on the Internet with the any of
the following URLs (Universal Resource Locators):
ftp://ftp.eff.org/pub/EFF/Policy/Legislation/cantwell.bill
http://www.eff.org/ftp/EFF/Policy/Legislation/cantwell.bill
gopher://gopher.eff.org/00/EFF/legislation/cantwell.bill
It has been posted to CompuServe (go EFFSIG; hr3627.bil in Library #2),
and GEnie (Public Forum*Non-Profit Connection library; keyword PF, page 545).
It is also available on AOL (keyword EFF).

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Author: Krishna Padmasola
e-mail: krishna@scri.fsu.edu
Credit: The idea for writing this story came after reading the 1992 Scientific
American special issue on Mind and Brain.
Case No. 234FA
``It was a diminutive winged creature, a little bird with
crimson headdress, its brown feathered body quivering with the
restless energy derived from the accelerated metabolic rate so
characteristic of its species. Displaying excellent navigational
skills, it would suddenly dive into the thicket to feast on some
insect which betrayed its own presence and relieve it of its burden of
existence, and emerge again from the world of inconstant shadows into
the brilliant sunlit garden. However, the feast is soon forgotten, and
the search for new source of food begins all over again; this time
perhaps it is a flower in bloom, its scent hinting at the presence of
nectar, advertising its need for pollination. It was fascinating to
watch the exquisite little bundle of life, and I could see every
detail of its feathered body, I could feel its heartbeat, I followed
the rythmic motion of its wings flapping in synchrony, its tail
serving to steer and balance at the same time. There was no message in
its existence, and as I realized the senselessness of the demand for
the meaning of life by ossified minds, I felt a strange kinship
towards my avian friend...''
Three days ago, a patient was admitted to the ward. Evidently
he was suffering from severe depression. He used to be a dancer in a
Broadway show, before he was fired six months ago for being rude and
giving unsolicited advice to the director. As is usually the case, the
onset of mania was quite sudden and apparently without any obvious
reason. At home he mistreated his wife, and made life difficult for
her with his tense and irritable demeanor. Then he left to live with
his father, who also suffered from similar symptoms, though not quite
that degree. There, however, his condition steadily deteriorated , and
finally he accepted hospitalization. Although he received a dose of
tranquilizer, he spent the night disrupting the ward, and in the
morning, signed out against medical advice. That was two days ago....
Yesterday we learnt that he had committed suicide. Interestingly, the
cause of death was unknown. One would have thought that he had passed
away in his sleep had it not been for the note found in his clenched
hands, in which he stated that he was committing suicide of his own
free will.
The description of the bird in the garden was one of the many
remarkable entries we found in his diary, each of them revealing an
intensity of perception and heightened awareness which a prejudiced
mind would have thought him incapable of possessing. It has been
observed that manic-depressives are talented or even endowed with
genius. Perhaps, as some suggest, the extreme swings of mood and the
accompanying changes of outlook may give rise to creativity. The same
emotional fluctuations often lead manic-depressives to exhibit
suicidal tendencies, and their spark of creativity is prematurely
extinguished , perhaps an indication of the inherent instability of
creativity itself. If I were allowed to speculate, I might say that
creativity is a local revolution against mental entropy; but that is
the philosopher's job, and henceforth I shall withhold myself from
trespassing into the realm of his investigations.
How did he come by his death? That is an interesting question,
but his diary is mute upon that point, understandably so. Perhaps if
the fleeting images of his thoughts in the moments prior to his death
were captured by an invisible scribe , they might read like this...
`` I am on the shore of a mighty ocean, a silent observer, dwarfed by
its magnificence to an insignificant speck . The waves are rushing to
pounce upon the beach, then receding to muster all their strength and
prepare for a fresh assault with renewed determination. But deep below
the raging surface, there is an undercurrent, signifying confidence
and purpose. This, I recognize to be my mind, my conciousness
witnessing the various activities going on in it. I am now lying down,
with the suicide note in my hand, and have willed myself to death. The
waves are subsiding gradually , and now the surface is disturbed only
by tiny ripples. I feel my breath to be a tenuous thread connecting me
with life. Deep down, on the ocean floor, a dormant volcano is about
to wake up, and if it did, its tremors would create a tidal wave of
uncontrollable fury. This is my innermost survival instinct rebelling
against the sentence I have placed upon myself, but it vanished as
soon as I recognised its identity. Now the ocean is completely
stagnant, its surface mirroring the blue sky above. Suddenly, there
are clouds floating across the sky, their reflections skimming the
ocean surface. These are the images of various people, cherished,
forgotten or vanished memories , the faces, sights, sounds and smells
that I had hoarded in my unconcious. They are of no value to me
anymore. Of what use are dead memories to a dead man? My breath has
stopped and the heart has followed suit. Now there is just the calm
ocean, and a clear blue sky , both merging together in the horizon.
There is no more division between the mind and the conciousness; they
are one. Only I exist. ''

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CATO POLICY REPORT
CHAIRMAN'S MESSAGE
(By CATO Institute Chairman William Niskanen)
The Crime Bill is a Killer
Crime in the United States is a serious problem. The crime bill now being
considered in Congress, however, is not a serious solution. A product of
mindless Republicans and spineless Democrats, the crime bill is counter-
productive, discriminatory, and expensive. Let me count the ways.
Approval of the crime bill would probably INCREASE the number of murders.
It has been widely reported that the bill authorizes capital punishment for some
51 crimes. What has not been widely reported is that 10 of those crimes involve
something other than murder; treason, espionage, transporting explosives with
intent to kill, arson of federal property in interstate commerce, the fourth
felony conviction of a major drug supplier, drug trafficking "drive by
shootings," aircraft hijacking, hostage taking, kidnapping, and bank robbery.
Those are clearly serious offenses. The problem with authorizing capital
punishment for them is that it would eliminate any marginal deterrent effect on
the offender who murders the victims or witnesses to those offenses. That would
surely increase the number of hostages, kidnap victims, witnesses to bank
robbery, and so on who are murdered. The deterrent effect of a criminal penalty
is a function of the severity of the penalty and the probability of arrest and
conviction. An increase in the penalty for the crimes listed here would reduce
the number of offenders convicted, at the cost of the lives of innocent victims
and witnesses.
Second, the bill creates different classes of murders, depending on the
status of the victim. The murder of foreign officials, a wide range of federal
officials from the president to poultry inspectors, the families of federal
officials, state officials assisting federal officials, court officers and
jurors, and others would be capital crimes. The bill would not provide a
similar deterrent for the 99-plus percent of murders that do not fall under
those categories. Similarly, the bill authorizes a police officers "bill of
rights" without addressing the rights of those who are abused by the arbitrary
exercise of police power. One might hope that those sections would be ruled
unconstitutional as inconsistent with equality under the law.
And third, the bill is expensive, authorizing an additional #3 billion of
federal funds for enforcement, incarceration, and the training of police
officials. That figure underestimates the total cost, because other provisions
would increase the current overcrowding of state prisons and jails. Crime is a
serious problem, and additional funding might be appropriate if there were any
evidence that it would reduce crime. Sen. Warren Rudman (R-N.H.) expressed what
may be a common belief when he said, "Crime in America is inversely proportional
to the number of policemen we have on the streets." Unfortunately, there is NO
evidence that a general increased in funding for police and corrections would
reduce crime.
The provisions of the crime bill discussed above are broadly supported by
the Bush Administration and members of Congress of both parties. Most of the
controversy has been focused on the provisions affecting gun control and the
exclusionary rule. Crime in America is a serious problem, but whatever the
merits of those provisions, the crime bill of 1991 is not serious legislation.
In 1723, the English Parliament passed the Black Act, which authorized the
capital punishment for such heinous offenses as stalking deer in disguise at
night, cutting down young trees, and writing threatening letters. The crime bill
now before the House is addressed to more serious offenses, but the political
incentives to talk tough and legislate stupidly are the same as those that led
to the notorious Black Act.
Submitted by:
Chris Crobaugh
North Ridgeville, Ohio 44039
(216) 327-6655


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WIRED's Press Release Regarding the Ban - 3/23/94
FOR IMMEDIATE RELEASE Contact:
Taara Eden Hoffman
544 Second Street Director of Publicity
San Francisco, CA 94107 USA +1 (415) 904 0666
taara@wired.com
Cyberspace Cannot Be Censored
*****************************
WIRED Responds to Canadian Ban of Its April Issue
Wednesday, March 23, 1994, San Francisco
WIRED's April issue has been banned in Canada. WIRED's offense? Publication
of a story called "Paul and Karla Hit the Net," a 400-word article about
how Canadians are getting around a Canadian court decision to ban media
coverage of details in the Teale-Homolka murder case.
This article does not reveal details of the case. Instead, the article
WIRED's Press Release Regarding the Ban - 3/23/94 (23/24)
explains why the media ban has proven unenforceable and reports how
information on the case is readily available to Canadians.
According to a survey conducted by the Ottawa Citizen newspaper, 26 percent
of those polled said they knew prohibited details of the trial, because
they are continuously leaked by Canadian court witnesses, police, and
others to the international media. Once this information is published, it
pours back into Canada via fax, videocassettes, magazines and photocopies
of articles, e-mail, Internet newsgroups, and other online services. In the
United States, People magazine, and the TV show, A Current Affair as well
as the New York Times and other publications and shows have covered the
story and the ban.
As WIRED's story and the action of Canada's Attorney General make clear,
the ban is not only a waste of time and money,but has actually had the
opposite effect of what was intended. Rumors and sensationalized accounts
of the case abound, and the Teale-Homolka trial is one of the hottest
topics of discussion among Canadians.
"Banning of publications is behavior we normally associate with Third World
dictatorships," said WIRED publisher Louis Rossetto. "This an ominous
indication that the violation of human rights is becoming Canadian policy."
WIRED's Press Release Regarding the Ban - 3/23/94 (24/47)
According to Rossetto, the Canadian Government's recent seizure of gay and
lesbian periodicals under the guise of controlling "pornography" and its
behavior in the Teale-Homolka case have made Canada a leading violator of
free speech rights, and have set a scary precedent for other nations that
would like to control what its citizens read and think.
"Information wants to be free," said Jane Metcalfe, WIRED's president. "At
the end of the 20th century, attempts to ban stories like this one are
condemned to be futile. That WIRED's criticism of the ban has itself been
banned is supremely ironic and utterly chilling."
Since WIRED supports free speech, WIRED is making the text of its "banned"
story with details on how readers can get more information on the case
available on the Internet. Canadians and people around the world can
discover exactly what the Canadian government is trying to keep hidden.
The banned article text can be obtained via the following WIRED Online
services:
o WIRED Infobot e-mail server send e-mail to infobot@wired.com,
containing the words "get
homolka/banned.text" on a single
WIRED's Press Release Regarding the Ban - 3/23/94 (24/69)
line inside the message body
o WIRED Gopher gopher to gopher.wired.com
select "Teale-Homolka "
o WIRED on World Wide Web http://www.wired.com
select "Teale-Homolka "
The complete text of WIRED 2.04 will be available from the Infobot, Gopher,
and World Wide Web on April 19.

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[Speech: Massachusetts Libertarian Party:
200th Birthday of the Bill of Rights, December 19, 1991.]
The occasion of the two-hundredth anniversary of the Bill of
Rights reminds us to be very worried about the growth since World War Il
of a national-security oligarchy, a secret and invisible state within
the public state.
The national-security state has come upon us not all at once but
bit by bit over a span of several decades. It is useful to review the
episodes -- the ones that are now known to us -- through which the current
situation evolved.
1. 1945: The Gehlen Deal
Wild Bill Donovan of the wartime Office of Strategic Services,
the OSS, proposed to President Roosevelt before the war was over that
the United States should setup a permanent civilian intelligence agency,
but military foes of Donovan leaked his plan to a conservative
journalist, Walter Trohan, who exposed the idea in the Chicago _Tribune_
and denounced it as an" American Gestapo." [1]
But only a few weeks after this. after Roosevelt's death and the
inauguration of Harry Truman. In the utmost secrecy, the Army was taking
its own much more dangerous steps toward an American Gestapo.
Days after the Nazi surrender in May 1945, a US Army command
center in southern Germany was approached by Nazi Brigadier General
Reinhard Gehlen. Gehlen was the chief of the Nazi intelligence apparatus
known as the FHO, Foreign Armies East. The FHO ran spy operations
throughout East Europe and the Soviet Union during the war, and it
remained intact during the late-war period when the rest of the
Wehrmacht was crumbling. In fact, the FHO was the one part of the
Naziwar machine that continued to recruit new members right through the
end of the war. SS men at risk of war crimes charges in particular were
told to join with Gehlen, go to ground, and await further orders.
Gehlen presented himself for surrender to the American forces
with an arrogant, take-me-to-your-leader attitude and was for a few
weeks shunted aside by GIs who were unimpressed by his demand for
red-carpet treatment. But he had an interesting proposal to make and was
soon brought before high-level officers of the Army's G-2 intelligence
command.
Gehlen's proposal in brief: Now that Germany has been defeated,
he told his captors, everyone knows that the pre-war antagonism between
the Soviet Union and the United States will reappear - Who emerges with
the upper hand in Europe may well depend on the quality of either side's
intelligence. The Soviets are well known to have many spies placed in
the United States and the American government, but the Americans have
almost no intelligence capability in East Europe and the Soviet Union.
Therefore, Gehlen proposes that the United States Army adopt the FHO in
its entirety, including its central staff, as well as its underground
intelligence units, several thousand men strong, throughout East Europe
and the U.S.S.R. Thus, the FHO will continue doing what it was doing for
Hitler that is, fighting Bolshevism - but will now do it for the United
States.
The OSS was formally dismantled in the fall of 1945 at the very
moment at which General Gehlen and six of his top aides were settling
into comfortable quarters at the army's Fort Hunt in Virginia, not far
from the Pentagon. For the next several months, in highly secret
conversations, Gehlen and the U.S. Army hammered out the terms of their
agreement. By February 1946, Gehlen and his staff were back in Europe,
installed in a new village-sized compound in Pullach, from which they
set about the business of reactivating their wartime intelligence
network, estimated at between 6,000 and 20,000 men, all of them former
Nazis and SS members, many of them wanted for war crimes but now (like
the famous Klaus Barbie) protected through Gehlen's deal with the United
States both from the Nuremberg Tribunal and the de-Nazification
program.
Thus it was that the superstructure of the United States'
post-war intelligence system was laid on the foundation of an international
Nazi spy ring that had come to be the last refuge of SS war criminals who
had no other means of escaping judgment. The Gehlen Org, as it came to be
called by the few Americans who knew about it (and needless to say, the United
States Congress knew nothing of the Gehlen deal, and the evidence is strong
that Truman knew very little, if anything at all, about it) continued to serve
the United States as its eyes and ears on Europe and the U.S.S.R. until 1955.
At that time, fulfilling one of the terms of the secret treaty of Fort Hunt in
1945, the entire Gehlen Org was transferred to the new West German government,
which gave it the name of the Federal Intelligence Service, or BND, and which
the descendants of General Gehlen serve to this day. The BND continued to serve
as the backbone of NATO intelligence and is said to have supplied well into the
1960s something in the order of seventy percent of the NATO intelligence take.
This is the base upon which the U.S. intelligence system was
founded. The National Security Act of 1947 reorganized the military and
created the CIA, but the Gehlen Org was the base from which U.S.
intelligence developed throughout the decades of the Cold War. I am not
trying to imply here that Stalin was not a villain or that Soviet
communism was not a threat to Europe. I am saying rather that everything
American policymakers believed they knew about Europe and the U.S.S.R.
well into the 1960s was sent to them by an intelligence network made up
completely of Hitler's most dedicated Nazis. I believe this fact helps to
explain how the American national-security community evolved the
quasi-fascistic credo we can observe developing in the following incidents.
2. 1945: Operation Shamrock
This program, set up by the Pentagon and turned over to the
National Security Agency after 1947, was discovered and shut down by
Congress in 1975. As a House committee explained in a 1979 report,
Shamrock intercepted "virtually all telegraphic traffic sent to, from,
or transitting the United States." Said the House report,'Operation
Shamrock was the largest government interception program affecting
Americans" ever carried out. In a suit brought by the ACLU in the 1978
to declassify Shamrock files, the Defense Department claimed that either
admitting or denying that the Shamrock surveillance took place, never
mind revealing actual files, would disclose "state secrets." A judicial
panel decided in the Pentagon's favor despite the ACLU's argument that
to do so was 'dangerously close to an open ended warrant to intrude on
liberties guaranteed by the Fourth Amendment.' [2]
3. 1945: Project Paperclip
This is perhaps the most famous of such programs but it is still
not well understood. The U.S. Army wanted German rocket scientists both
for its own interest in rocketry and to keep them out of the hands of
the Soviets, who had the same ambitions. United States law forbade these
scientists' entry into the U.S., however, because they were all Nazis
and members of the SS, including the prize among them, Dr. Werner von
Braun. The Army acted unilaterally, therefore, in bringing the rocket
scientists to the United States as prisoners of war and defining the
Redstone rocket laboratory in Huntsville as a POW compound. Later the
Paperclip scientists were de- Nazified by various bureaucratic means and
emplaced at the center of the military space program. What is not well
understood is that hundreds of additional Nazi SS members who had
nothing at all to contribute to a scientific program were also admitted.
This included the SS bureaucrat who oversaw the slave labor efforts in
digging the underground facilities at the Nazi rocket base on
Peenemunde. [3]
4. 1947: Project Chatter
The U.S. Navy initiated this program to continue Nazi
experiments in extracting truth from unwilling subjects by chemical
means, especially mind-altering drugs such as Mescaline. This was at the
same time that U.S. investigative elements detailed to the Nuremberg
Tribunal were rounding up Nazis suspected of having experimented with
"truth serums" during World War II. Such experiments are banned by
international law. [4]
5. 1948: Election Theft
New to the world and eager to learn, the CIA immediately began
spending secret money to influence election results in France and Italy.
Straight from the womb, it thus established a habit of intervention
which, despite being rationalized in terms of the Red menace abroad,
would ultimately find expression within the domestic interior. [5]
6. 1953: MK-Ultra
The CIA picked up the Navy's Project Chatter and throughout the
1950s and '60s ran tests on involuntary and unwitting subjects using
truth drugs and electro-magnetic fields to see if it could indeed
control a subject's mind without the subject's being aware. This
research continued despite the fact that the United States signed the
Nuremberg Code in 1953 stipulating that subjects must be aware, must
volunteer, must have the aid of a supervising doctor, and must be
allowed to quit the experiment at any moment.
7. 1953: HT/Lingual
The CIA began opening all mail traveling between United States
and the U.S.S.R. and China. HT/Lingual ran until 1973 before it was
stopped. We found out about it in 1975. [6]
8. 1953: Operation Ajax
The CIA overthrew Premier Mohammed Mossadegh in Iran,
complaining of his neutralism in the Cold War, and installed in his
place General Fazlollah Zahedi, a wartime Nazi collaborator. Zahedi
showed his gratitude by giving 25-year leases on forty percent of Iran's
oil to three American firms. One of these firms, Gulf Oil, was fortunate
enough a few years later to hire as a vice president the CIA agent
Kermit Roosevelt, who had run Operation Ajax. Did this coup set the
clock ticking on the Iranian hostage crisis of 1979-80? [7]
9. 1954: Operation Success
The CIA spent $20 million to overthrow the democratically
elected Jacabo Arbenz in Guatemala for daring to introduce an agrarian
reform program that the United Fruit Company found threatening. General
Walter Bedell Smith, CIA director at the time, later joined the board of
United Fruit. [8]
10. 1954: News Control
The CIA began a program of infiltration of domestic and foreign
institutions, concentrating on journalists and labor unions. Among the
targeted U.S. organizations was the National Student Association, which
the CIA secretly supported to the tune of some $200,000 a year. This
meddling with an American and thus presumably off-limits organization
remained secret until _Ramparts_ magazine exposed it in 1967. It was at
this point that mainstream media first became curious about the CIA and
began unearthing other cases involving corporations, research centers,
religious groups and universities. [9]
11. 1960-1961: Operation Zapata
Castro warned that the United States was preparing an invasion
of Cuba, but this was 1960 and we all laughed. We knew in those days the
United States did not do such things. Then came the Bay of Pigs, and we
were left to wonder how such an impossible thing could happen.
12. 1960--63: Task Force W
Only because someone still anonymous inside the CIA decided to
talk about it to the Senate Intelligence Committee in 1975, we
discovered that the CIA's operations directorate decided in September
1960: (a) that it would be good thing to murder Fidel Castro and other
Cuban leaders, (b) that it would be appropriate to hire the Mafia to
carry these assassinations out, and (c) that there would be no need to
tell the President that such an arrangement was being made. After all,
was killing not the Mafia's area of expertise?
It hardly seemed to trouble the CIA that the Kennedy
administration was at the very same time trying to mount a war on
organized crime focusing on precisely the Mafia leaders that the CIA was
recruiting as hired assassins.
13. 1964: Brazil
Two weeks after the Johnson administration announced the end of
the JFK Alliance for Progress with its commitment to the principle of
not aiding tyrants, the CIA staged and the U.S. Navy supported a coup
d'etat in Brazil over-throwing the democratically elected Joao Goulart.
Within twenty-four hours a new right-wing government was installed,
congratulated and recognized by the United States.
14. 1965: The DR
An uprising in the Dominican Republic was put down with the help
of 20,000 U.S. Marines. Ellsworth Bunker, the U.S. ambassador, Abe
Fortas, a new Supreme Court justice and a crony of LBJ's presidential
advisors (Adolf Berle, Averill Harriman, and Joseph Farland) were all on
the payroll of organizations such as the National Sugar Refining
Company, the Sucrest Company, the National Sugar Company, and the South
Puerto Rico Sugar Company--all of which had holdings in the Dominican
Republic that were threatened by the revolution.
15. 1967: The Phoenix Program
A terror and assassination program conceived by the CIA but
implemented by the military command targeted Viet Cong cadres by name
-- a crime of war, according to international law. At least twenty thousand
were killed, according to the CIA's own William Colby, of whom some 3,000
were political assassinations. A CIA analyst later observed "They
killed a lot of the wrong damn people". [10]
16. August 1967: COINTELPRO
Faced with mounting public protest against the Vietnam War, the
PBI formally inaugurated its so-called COINTELPRO operations, a
rationalized and extended form of operations under way for at least a
year. A House committee reported in 1979 that "the FBI Chicago Field
Office files <20> <20> <20> in 1966 alone contained the identities of a small
army of 837 informers, all of whom reported on antiwar activists' political
activities, views or beliefs, and none of whom reported on any unlawful
activities by these activists." [11]
17. October 1967: MH/Chaos
Two months after the PBI started up COINTELPRO, the CIA followed
suit with MH/Chaos, set up in the counterintelligence section run by a
certifiable paranoid named James Jesus Angleton. Even though the illegal
Chaos infiltration showed that there was no Soviet financing or
manipulation of the antiwar movement, Johnson refused to accept this,
and the operation continued in to the Nixon administration. By 1971, CIA
agents were operating everywhere there were students inside America,
infiltrating protest groups not only to spy on them but to provide
authentic cover stories they could use while traveling abroad and
joining foreign anti-war groups. Chaos was refocused on international
terrorism in 1972, but another operation, Project Resistance, conducted
out of the CIA Office of Security, continued surveillance of American
domestic dissent until it was ended in June 1973.
18. April 1968: The King Plot
The assassination of Martin Luther King, Jr. led at once to
massive urban riots, the breakup of the nonviolent civil rights movement
and in ten years to a congressional investigation that found evidence of
conspiracy, despite the initial finding that, as in the JFK case, the
assassin was a lone nut. The conspiracy evidence included proof that the
FBI had directly threatened King and that, in the certain knowledge that
King was a target of violent hate groups, the Memphis Police Department
had withdrawn its protective surveillance and had let this fact be known
publically via newspaper, radio, and television broadcasts.
19. June 1968: The RFK Hit
The assassination of Robert Kennedy came on the heels of his
victory in the California presidential primary. This victory had
virtually guaranteed his nomination as an antiwar presidential candidate
at the Democratic convention in August. The assassinations of King and
the second Kennedy were body blows to the civil rights and the antiwar
movements and drove nails in the coffins of those who were still
committed to the principles of democratic nonviolent struggle.
From now on there would be virtually nothing left of the
organized movement except the Black Panthers and the Weathermen, both
committed to violence and thus both of them doomed. The official
verdict in Robert Kennedy's murder was, predictably enough, that it was
the work of another lone nut. This conclusion was reached by a
still-secret Los Angeles Police Department investigation, despite the
fact that L.A. coroner Thomas Noguchi found that most of RFK's wounds were
fired point blank behind him whereas the alleged assassin Sirhan Sirhan, by
unanimous testimony of many eyewitnesses, never got his pistol closer to
Kennedy than six feet and was always in front of him. It was true
nevertheless, that Sirhan fired. It was also true that he was, and
apparently remains, insane. Sirhan has claimed several times that he
was "programmed" to carry out the assassination by unnamed sources. Was Sirhan
the offspring of Project Chatter and/or MK-Ultra?
20. 1969: Operation Minaret
This was a CIA program charted to intercept (according to a
House Report) "the international communications of selected American
citizens and groups on the basis of lists of names, 'watchlists,'
supplied by other government agencies...The Program applied not only to
alleged foreign influence on domestic dissent, but also to American
groups and individuals whose activities 'may result in civil
disturbances...'" [14]
21. April 1971: Helms protests
In a rare public speech to the American Society of Newspaper
Editors, CIA Director Richard Helms asked the nation to "take it on
faith that we too are honorable men devoted to her service." He went on
to say, "We do not target on American citizens." [15]
22. 1972: Watergate
As though to give body to Helms' touching promise, seven CIA
Operatives detailed to the Nixon White House played the same political
game the CIA learned abroad in all its clandestine manipulations from
France to Brazil, from Italy to Guatemala, but now in the context of
U.S. Presidential politics. Whether through sheer fluke or a subtle
counter-conspiracy, Nixon's CIA burglars were caught in the act, and two
years later Nixon was therefore forced to resign. For a moment, a
window opened into the heart of darkness.
23. 1973: Allende Murdered
Frustrated in its 1970 efforts to control the Chilean election,
the CIA resorted to murder once again in the elimination of Salvador
Allende. Allende government official Orlando Letelier along with an
American supporter, Ronnie Moffit, were also killed, not far away in
Chile, but in Dupont Circle in our nation's capital.
24. Late 1970s: "Defenders of Democracy"
As death squads raged through Latin America, FBI agents and U.S.
marshals in Puerto Rico secretly created, trained and armed a super-secret
police unit named "Defenders of Democracy" and dedicated to the assassination
of leaders of the Puerto Rican independence movement. [16]
This was in the Jimmy Carter period. Did Carter know?
25. 1980: October Surprise
The facts in this strange first act of the Iran-Contra episode
are still in dispute, but the charge made by Barbara Honegger, activist
in the Reagan 1980 campaign, and by Carter national security aide Gary
Sick, is of megascandal dimensions.
Honegger and Sick claim in outline that in 1980 William Casey,
long-time U.S. super-spy but at that point without the least portfolio,
led a secret Reagan campaign delegation to Europe to strike a secret
deal with Iran, a nation with which the United States was virtually at
war because of the 42 hostages Iran had seized from the U.S. embassy.
In the alleged deal, Iran agreed not to release the hostages
until the U.S. presidential race was over, thus denying President Carter
the political benefit of getting the hostages back. Reagan agreed that,
if elected, he would help Iran acquire certain weapons. Well, for a few
bucks here and there, too, of course, and something for Israel, but the
basic deal was U.S. Arms for U.S. hostages held by Iran.
The basic deal was also so deeply criminal as to go beyond all
statutes but those that deal with treason.
26. 1970s and 1980s: The Noreiga Connection
The CIA was exposed time and again throughout these decades in
big-time international dope trafficking. This was not altogether new.
Already in the late '60s we had discovered that this was happening in
Southeast Asia, where the CIA's regional airline, Air America, was found
deeply involved in the opium trade being run out of the so called Golden
Triangle centered in Laos and involving Chinese drug lords associated
with the anti-Communist Kuomintang. [17] The ClA's support in moving
large amounts of opium was valuable, it seemed, in maintaining good
relations with our anti-Communist friends. In the 1970s and '80s, CIA
drug operations appeared in this hemisphere for a related but even
better reason: they were a convenient way to finance anti-Communist
operations that the Congress would not fund.
The rash of drug cases around former Panamanian strongman Manuel
Noriega--once a darling of the CIA until he dared oppose U.S. policy in
Nicaragua--provides a glimpse into the true heart of the contemporary
CIA. Noriega received as much as $10 million a month from the Medellin
Cartel (whose profits were $3 million a day) plus $200,000 a year from
the CIA for the use of Panamanian runways in transhipment of cocaine to
the north.
Noriega is only in trouble today because he turned against the
Reaganauts. The real attitude of Reagan and Bush toward drug trafficking
is indicated much less in Noriega's trial itself than in the kind of
deals the Justice Department is willing to make to convict him.
According to a recent _Boston Globe_ news story, federal prosecution
have paid at least $1.5 million in "fees" for testimony against Noriega.
In addition, some government witnesses have received freedom from life
sentences, recovery of stashed drug profits and confiscated property,
and permanent U.S. residency and work permits for themselves and family
members.
The best deals go to the biggest offenders, such as Carlos
Lehder. Leader of the Medellin Cartel, Lehder was sentenced to 145 years
in prison, but is probably facing a real sentence of less than five
years on account of his collaboration against Noriega. He is said to
have made a $10-million contribution to the contra cause.
The case of Floyd Carlton is also instructive. Carlton was a
drug pilot whose testimony led to Noriega's indictment in 1988. He was
allowed by Bush's prosecutors to transfer his cocaine profits into the
U.S.tax-free. Bush also promised not to seize his various homes and
ranches and agreed to pay $210,000 to support his wife, three children,
and a nanny and to furnish them with permanent residence in the U.S. and
work permits. [18]
27. October 1986: The Enterprise
A contra supply plane was shot down in Nicaragua. A low-level
CIA agent named Eugene Hassenfus was captured alive. Hassenfus chose not
to make a martyr of himself, and thus was born the Iran-Contra scandal,
a continuation of the politics of the October Surprise but on a far
grander scale. The CIA and the NSC were learning how to operate beyond
the reach of American Law. With the "free-standing, off-the-books"
organization they called "the Enterprise," capable of financing it's
operations from drug profits and thus independent of the exchequer, The
likes of Oliver North and John Poindexter and Theodore Shackley and
Thomas Clines and Rafael Quintero and William Casey had it made. They
could form U.S. policy pretty much by themselves, especially since the
super-patriot Ronald Reagan seemed content to blink and doze. Who cared
what Congress might think or say? As Admiral Poindexter put it so
eloquently, "I never believed . . . that the Boland Amendment ever
applied to the -- National Security Council staff." [19]
28. 1991: BCCI
The main difference between the CIA's early Cold War scandals
and the ones we are seeing today is that the more recent ones are
immeasurably more complex. This is sharply true of our last two
examples, one of which is that of the still emerging scandal around the
Bank of Credit and Commerce International. The BCCI scandal appears to
involve the CIA in a far-flung international financial network created
for the primary purpose of laundering vast amounts of drug money and
with the secondary purpose of ripping off the unsuspecting smaller banks
that BCCI acquired in pursuit of its primary objective.
One fascinating aspect of the BCCI scandal is that it may at last supply
us with the final solution of one of the outstanding riddles of the last
decades--namely, why does the government insist on keeping drugs illegal
since the only evident result of this is to keep the price of drugs (in
both dollars and lives) high? Could this be because it is the secret
elements of the Government--The CIA, the NSC, the Enterprise--that is actually
selling them?
29. 1991: Casolaro
Finally, consider just briefly another case of astounding
complexity, still not at all exposed, still writhing in the
twilight--the case of Inslaw, Inc., involving the George Bush Justice
Department and the death of Danny Casolaro, a free-lance investigative
journalist with whom I happen to identify most closely, even though I
never met him.
The story in brief: Inslaw, Inc. in the early 1980s was an
enterprising computer software company whose most important product was
a software program called Promis. Promis' appeal lay in the fact that it
made it possible for Justice Department attorneys to keep track of an
extremely large number of cases. The Justice Department bought Promis
from Inslaw in 1982 and began installing it in its various offices.
Inslaw had completed nineteen installations of Promis within a
year, and all seemed to be going well. But suddenly the Justice
Department began to complain about Promis and soon was refusing to pay
Inslaw, which therefore careened into bankruptcy.
The fact, however, was that nothing at all was wrong with
Promis. Rather, the Justice Department--so it is alleged--had made a
deal with Dr. Earl Brian, California health secretary under Governor
Ronald Reagan. In this alleged deal--which Dr. Brian denies--the Justice
Department would simply steal Inslaw's Promis software and give it to
Dr. Brian, who--would then be in a position to sell it back to the
Justice Department for an estimated $250 million.
Part of the reason the Justice Department was willing to do this
for Dr. Brian, as the allegation continues, is that Brian had helped
persuade Iranian leaders to cooperate with Reagan in the October
Surprise operation of 1980.
But there's more to the allegation. The attempt to get Promis
out of Inslaw's hands and into Dr. Brian's had two other purposes,
according to Inslaw's attorney, Elliot L. Richardson. The first was "to
generate revenue for covert operations not authorized by Congress. The
second was to supply foreign intelligence agencies with a software
system that would make it easier for U.S. eavesdroppers to read
intercepted signals." That is, a back door access was built into the
Promis software. Anyone who bought Promise was buying a Trojan Horse.
Danny Casolaro had talked to many of the informants in this
case. Telling friends he was on his way to contact an informant who
would put the last piece in the picture, he left his home in Washington
in August l99l to travel to Martinsburg, West Virginia, where he took a
hotel room and waited for the informant to contact him. Before leaving
he had told his friends not to believe it if he died in a car accident.
He was found dead in his room, in the bathtub, with both arms
slashed a total of twelve times. The Martinsburg police quickly ruled
his death a suicide and allowed his body to be embalmed immediately,
even before notifying his family of his death. His hotel room was
cleaned of the least indication that he had been in it. His briefcase
and his notes were never found. In his _New York Times_ op-ed piece
about this last October, Elliot Richardson ended by reminding his
readers that he had called for a special prosecutor once before.
Richardson was the nominated Attorney General in 1973 and
resigned in disagreement with Nixon, calling for a special prosecutor to
investigate Watergate.
Now Richardson wants another special prosecutor to probe the
Inslaw case. He believes Casolaro was murdered and that evidence points
to "a widespread conspiracy implicating lesser government officials in
the theft of Inslaw's technology." These same officials, of course,
would also be involved in the apparent attempt to generate funding for
illegal covert operations and to sneak Trojan Horse software into the
systems by which other governments monitor their litigation caseloads.
We can be sure at least that the events we have briefly reviewed
here are not isolated and separate. In the painful story that begins
with General of the Third Reich Reinhard Gehlen and continues down to
the death of Danny Casolaro, we face a stream of systemically connected
corruption and abuses of power.
A secret state has set itself up within the darkest corners of
the American government. It is what Nixon adviser John Dean called a
cancer on the presidency, but it has metastasized well beyond the White
House. It is not paranoia to call attention to this, but a simple act
of realism.
NOTES
1. John Ranalegh, The Agency: The Rise and Decline of the CIA (New
York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), p. 80.
2. House Select Committee on Assassinations: Report, vol. Vlll, pp.
506-08.
3. Linda Hunt, Secret Agenda (New York: St. Martins Press, 1990).
4. Martin Lee and Bruce Shlain, Acid Dreams (New York: Grove
Press, 1985).
5. Ranalegh, p. 131.
6. Ibid., p. 270.
7. Ibid., p. 261-64.
8. Ibid., p. 268.
9. Ibid., p. 246, p. 471.
10. Ibid., p. 440, p. 553.
11. HSCA, vol. VIII, p. 524.
12. Ranalegh, p. 534.
13. The HSCA Report. Findings and Recommendations (Washington: U.S.
Government Printing Office, 1979). See p. 407 re the FBI and p.
418 re the MPD.
14. HSCA, vol. VIII, p. 507.
15. Ranalegh, p. 281.
16. See Boston Globe and New York Times stories of January 29, 1992.
17. See Alfred McCoy, The Politics of Heroin in Southeast Asia (New
York: Harper Colophon, 1973).
18. Boston Globe, Dec. 13, 1991.
19. Iran-Contra Trading Cards #35.

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@@ -0,0 +1,723 @@
Date: Mon, 1 Apr 91 22:56:31 EST
[not an April Fool's joke]
From: mercuri@grad1.cis.upenn.edu (Rebecca Mercuri)
Subject: Computers, Freedom, Privacy Trip Report
The following constitutes my trip report for the Computers, Freedom and
Privacy Conference held March 26-28, Airport Marriott Hotel,
Burlingame, California. Although I have made a sincere attempt to
relate the events of the conference in a fair and unbiased manner, the
nature of the material covered entails a certain amount of emotion and
it is difficult, if not impossible, to separate one's own feelings from
the subject matter. I therefore apologize for any inadvertent mistakes,
omissions, or philosophical commentary. Readers are encouraged to send
corrections to me at the email address below. No flames please!
Respectfully submitted, R. T. Mercuri
mercuri@gradient.cis.upenn.edu
No portion of this document may be copied or distributed for commercial
purposes without the prior express written permission of the author.
Non-commercial uses are permitted, but the author and source must be
credited.
Copyright (C) 1991 R. T. Mercuri. All Rights Reserved. [Edited lightly
by PGN and included in RISKS with permission of the author.]
This work was partially supported by the University of Pennsylvania's
Distributed Systems Laboratory as a part of its promotion of the
professional activities of its students. Matching funds were also
provided by Election Watch, a division of the Urban Policy Research
Institute, a non-profit organization.
======================================================================
The First Conference on Computers, Freedom and Privacy was organized
and chaired by Jim Warren, and sponsored by the Computer Professionals
for Social Responsibility (CPSR). Numerous other organizations also
lent their support to the conference, which was attended by
approximately 400 individuals (described by Terry Winograd as ranging
>from the sandals of Silicon Valley to the dark suits of Washington)
covering the fields of law, investigation, programming, engineering,
computer science, hacking, industry, media, academics, government, law
enforcement, and civil rights. The crowd was about 75% male, with very
few minorities in evidence (only ~10% of the speakers were female, and
none were minorities). Attendees formed a veritable who's who of
hacking with key figures such as Captain Crunch, Phiber Optik, Steve
Jackson, Craig Neidorf, and other notables there, some accompanied by
an entourage of defense and prosecuting attorneys. Cliff Stoll and Ted
Nelson (separately) took the opportunity to distribute copies of their
books and give autos. (Cliff was fond of playing with a brightly-
colored yo-yo and writing memos to himself on his hand, Ted appeared to
be creating a video record of the conference by filming each speaker
with a small hand-held camera for a few seconds as each talk began.) A
list of attendees was distributed, providing all information that each
participant marked as "open". The vast majority of participants
provided their name, company, address, phone number and email address.
Some people remarked privately that had they been more aware of the
manner in which such information is currently being used, they likely
would have "closed" more of their own data. (The list was printed in
name-alphabetical order so it was unfortunately possible to derive the
names of individuals who elected not to be listed.)
Jim Warren, who described himself as a self-made multi-millionaire,
entrepreneur, futures columnist, and member of the board of directors
of MicroTimes and Autodesk, Inc., took a severe loss on the conference.
He had estimated break-even at 500 participants, but had only achieved
around 300 paid admissions as most of the media and some staff members
attended for free. To his credit, he organized a fast-paced, well-run
(on-time) conference which allowed many of the key figures in this
field to present their thoughts and ideas. Audio and videotapes, as
well as the conference proceedings (published by Springer-Verlag) will
be available shortly [write to CFP Proceedings, 345 Swett Road,
Woodside, CA 94062]. The conference was preceded by a day of tutorial
sessions, but I was unable to attend those activities.
My major criticism regarding the conference was that the sheer volume
of speakers (over 20 per day) allowed little time for questioning from
the audience. Many of those who were not wearing red speaker's badges
began feeling like second-class citizens whose opinions were neither
wanted nor recognized. If someone managed to obtain a microphone and
used it to make a statement rather than to ask a question, they were
routinely hissed by a large portion of the audience. The unresolved
tension became most obvious on the last day of the conference when,
during the panel discussion on Electronic Speech, Press & Assembly, a
loud altercation broke out in the front of the room. This panel had a
representative from Prodigy Services, but the person who was supposed
to give opposing commentary (apparently regarding the email privacy
issue) had been unable to appear. Certain attendees were prepared to
present their views, but were informed that they would not be permitted
to do so. A private meeting was arranged for those who wished to
discuss the Prodigy matter, but many found this to be unacceptable.
An oft-heard word describing the material revealed during the
conference was "chilling". After the second day of the conference I
became aware of how invasive the monitoring systems have become. As I
returned to my room within the hotel, I realized that my use of the
electronic pass-key system could alert the hotel staff of my entry and
exit times. People could leave messages for me, which would be reported
on my television screen, all of this being recorded in some database
somewhere, possibly not being erased after my departure. My entire
hotel bill, including phone calls and meal charges could also be
displayed on my television screen, along with my name, for anyone to
access (without a password) if they were in my room. Chilling indeed.
Pondering all of this, I left the room, lured to the hotel lobby by the
sound of what I assumed to be a cocktail piano player. When I located
the baby grand piano I realized that, through the high-tech wonders of
Yamaha, no human sat at the keyboard. A sophisticated computerized unit
rendered a seemingly- endless sequence of expertly arranged tunes, with
no requests allowed from the audience. This ghostly image reemphasized,
to me, the silent pervasion of computers into our daily lives, and the
potential erosion of personal freedom and privacy.
Throughout the conference, many problems were posed, few answers were
given. Factions developed --- some people felt we needed more laws,
some people felt we needed fewer laws, some felt that all data
(including program code) should be free and accessible to everyone,
some felt that everything is personal property and should be
specifically released by the owner(s) prior to general use. Certain
people felt that all problems could be resolved by tightly encrypting
everything at all times (the issue of password distribution and
retention was ignored). What was resolved was to form an organization
called the US Privacy Council which "will attempt to build a consensus
on privacy needs, means, and ends, and will push to educate the
industry, legislatures, and citizens about privacy issues." The first
thing this organization did was form a newsgroup, called alt.privacy. I
observed that at least 50 messages were posted to this newsgroup within
the 3 days following the conference, most pertaining to privacy of
emails. This was disappointing, to say the least. Presumably people
will use the mailing list and the newsgroup to disseminate information,
but whether this is merely a duplication of other existing newsgroups
(such as RISKS), and whether the Privacy Council will have any impact
at all, shall be left to be seen.
The conference opened with a comment by Jim Warren that this meeting
could be "the first Constitutional Convention of the new frontier". He
then introduced Harvard Law Professor Lawrence Tribe who used the
analogy of cyberspace to describe some of the problems of a "virtual
constitutional reality". He quoted Eli Noam as saying that "networks
become political entities" and that there could conceivably be "data
havens", private networks much like Swiss bank accounts, which are
virtual governments in themselves. He asserted that a bulletin board
sysop is not a publisher, in the same way that a private bookstore
owner is not a publisher. The individual merely makes the products
available, and has the responsibilities of a seller, not a publisher.
Tribe then went on to delineate five major points. First, there is a
vital difference between governmental (public) and private actions.
Second, ownership is an issue that goes beyond that which may be
technologically feasible. Property encourages productivity. You have a
constitutional right to inhabit your own body. Free speech may be a
luxury we can't afford (like yelling "fire" in a crowded theater, or
viruses roaming the network). Third, the government cannot control
speech as such. Recently it was ruled that answers to very simple
questions (such as your name, age) are considered testimonial, as they
require the use of the human mind. Fourth, the Constitution was founded
on a normative understanding of humanity, and should not be subject to
disproof by science and technology. The words of the 4th Amendment
apply to material things, it defends people, not places. It is the task
of law to inform and project an evolutionary reading of the bill of
rights to new situations. Fifth, Constitutional principles should not
vary with accidents of technology. In conclusion, Tribe proposed an
additional amendment to the constitution which asserted that "this
Constitution's protection for freedom of speech, press,
assembly...shall be construed as fully applicable without regard to the
technological medium used."
The first panel discussion of the conference was titled: Trends in
Computers and Networks. Peter Denning of NASA Ames introduced the panel
by stating that computers are now under attack due to security being
added on as an afterthought. John Quarterman of Texas Internet
Consulting then discussed the manner in which user/host names could be
made more readable (accessable) on the network. Peter Neumann of SRI
overviewed general issues surrounding the authorship of the "Computers
at Risk" book, stating that the group involved with the text was
primarily interested in motivating efforts towards evaluating safe,
secure, reliable systems (and that they only proposed general
guidelines in the text). He warned the listeners "don't wait for the
catastrophe". Neumann also mentioned the issue of disenfranchization of
the poor and lower class who will be unable to access the new
technology, stating that "gaps are getting much bigger". Martin Hellman
of Stanford University discussed cryptography. He stated that the 56
bit DES standard was set not by technology, but instead by economics.
He mentioned a study at Bell Labs that indicated that 70% of all
passwords there could be cracked using a dictionary technique. He
believes that technology will not solve all of our problems, and that
persons who are concerned about social responsibility are not
(necessarily) anti-technical. David Chaum of DigiCash spoke about
informational rights and secure channels with regard to electronic
money transactions. He believes that with an adequately encrypted
system there is no necessity for a central, mutually trusted party. The
problem is in finding a practical encryption protocol, or a
distributed, mutually-trusted tamper-proof box solution. David Farber
of the University of Pennsylvania expressed the view that protection
schemes might not be "retrofittable" and should be part of the
fundamental design of computer architecture, protocols and technology,
rather than being tacked on, but he worried that people may not be
willing to pay for these design features. Farber also mentioned the
possibility of retroactive wiretapping, where archived data could be
obtained through invasive means.
The second panel session was titled: International Perspectives and
Impacts. Ronald Plesser of the Washington D.C. law firm of Piper &
Marbury first mentioned that these issues impact on how international
business is conducted. Many countries, particularly in Europe, have
already established standards with which we must comply. Databases
feeding Europe must be concerned with the processing of personal data
of individuals. Certain directives have been authored that are so
general in scope as to be difficult to apply ("to all files located in
its territory" was one example). Tom Riley, of Riley Information
Services in Canada, continued this discussion regarding data protection
policies. He urged the authoring of a harmonized directive, similar to
that for other exports. The United States, by lagging behind in
establishing standards of its own, risks the possibility of losing the
opportunity to affect these policies as they are being written. David
Flaherty entertained the crowd with his "George Bush" speech, stressing
that "privacy begins at home". Robert Veeder of the D.C. Office of
Information Regulatory Affairs discussed the impact of the 30,000+
messages to Lotus which effectively stopped the production of their CD-
ROM database. This electronic lobbying had never been used to such
great effect prior to that time. He believes the electronic forum will
provide larger access to public concerns. (The impression I was left
with was that certain governmental agencies are not wholly enthusiastic
about this powerful method of expression, and that they are monitoring
the situation.)
Next, we heard from a variety of speakers on the subject of Personal
Information and Privacy. Janlori Goldman, of the ACLU, discussed the
"library lending" project by the FBI. This was an attempt to track
library usage habits of foreign nationals. The ACLU objects to this
sort of surveillance as well as other similar broad-based methods. An
audience member criticized the ACLU's own release of membership data,
to which Janlori replied that she did not agree with her organization's
policy to allow such releases, but was currently unable to do more than
protest against it. John Baker, Senior Vice President of Equifax,
described the benefits of information with regard to improved goods,
services, prices, convenience and wider choices. (Equifax is an
organization which supplies marketplace data with specific information
about consumers.) He stressed that people need to understand their
rights, responsibilities and opportunities with regard to their
published data. He believes that the Lotus Marketplace product was
flawed because of the delay involved when customers wanted to "opt-out"
of the database. He portrayed a spectrum of controls over data usage,
ranging from no restrictions (free speech), through some restrictions
(based on impact, sensitivity, access, security and confidentiality),
to absolute restrictions (where the available information would have
little value). Equifax took a survey on consumer interest in
availability of data for direct marketing purposes which revealed that
75% would find it acceptable as long as there is a facility to opt-out.
An audience member raised the point that the default is opt-out rather
than opt-in.
These two speakers were followed by a debate between Marc Rotenberg,
Washington Office Director of the Computer Professionals for Social
Responsibility, and Alan Westin, Professor of Public Law and Government
at Columbia University, with the subject "should individuals have
absolute control over secondary use of their personal information?"
Marc argued in favor of the statement, using an eloquent oratorial
style, and Alan spoke in opposition with the demeanor of a seasoned
litigator. Marc made such statements as "we are all privacy advocates
about something in our personal lives", "it is the most fragile
freedom" and "protect privacy, change the default", stressing that the
individual should have the right to control the value and use of their
personal information. Alan outlined four major issues: 1. Nature of the
secondary use; 2. Society should decide on fair uses, not a nihilistic
veto; 3. Underpinning of constitutional democracy; 4. Adequate control
protects against potential misuse. He believes that the consumer
benefits from the advantages of a knowledge society. No winner/loser of
the debate was declared.
Speakers continued on the subject of Personal Information and Privacy.
Lance Hoffman, of the EE & CS department at George Washington
University, mentioned that Japan will be instituting a system of
personal phone number calling --- basically you can send and receive
calls at your "own" phone number wherever you happen to be situated.
This permits very close tracking of individual movements and is a
potential further invasion of privacy. He noted that no one has ever
received the ACM Turing Award for a socially responsible system, and
encouraged positive recognition of achievements along these lines. He
also recommended that a "dirty dozen" list of worst systems be compiled
and distributed.
Evan Hendricks, editor and publisher of Privacy Times, listed many
records that are and are not currently protected by law from
distribution. Interestingly, video rental records are protected, but
medical records are not. He cited an interesting example of a
circumstance where a man and woman living in the same home (but with
different last names) were sent copies of each other's bills, urging
them to encourage their "roommate" to pay. It turned out that the
individuals were landlady and tenant. Another interesting fact that
Evan revealed was that studies indicate ~30% of social security numbers
in some databases are inaccurate. Lists of persons having filed
Workmen's Compensation claims have, in some cases, been used to
blacklist people from jobs. Hendricks urged people to ban the recording
and distribution of human genome information --- some parents
voluntarily provide cellular test results in case their child is later
missing or kidnapped. There is no way to know how these records are
likely to be used in the future.
Tom Mandel, director of the Values and Lifestyles Program (VALS) at
SRI, spoke in favor of the Lotus Marketplace product. He felt that the
30K response was not representative of the general public, and believes
that a small percentage of "media sophisticates" can have apply greater
leverage. He noted that VALS is currently involved with a joint venture
with Equifax, who is currently involved with a joint venture with
Lotus.
Willis Ware, of the RAND Corporation, chaired the HEW committee that
led to the 1980 privacy act (a reporter preparing materials for
publication can not be searched). He felt that the government
previously was considered to be a threat to privacy, not a protector,
and considers the privacy issue as one of social equity. He indicated
that personal information should not be considered to be private
property, and should be shared in an equitable manner. To apply
royalties for usage would place a tremendous impact on costs. He noted
that the databases behind airline, pharmacy and point-of-sale systems
may be open to access by various groups including the Internal Revenue
Service and Drug Enforcement personnel.
Simon Davies, a member of the law faculty at Australia's University of
New South Wales, provided a sobering criticism of this conference and
the United States' policy making processes, stating that the conference
was too "nice" and "conciliatory" and that the "US is an embarrassment
to the privacy issue". He used the term "pragvocate" (pragmatic
advocate) to describe policy-makers who are well-trained, say the right
things, and denounce extremes, giving environmentalists as an example.
He reminded us that the basis of the US system is not to "opt-out" ---
no one would write to the LA police asking "don't beat me up". Davies
alerted us to the fact that Thailand, an oppressive military
government, is currently purchasing US technology to provide smart ID
cards for their citizens. He noted that the Smithsonian Institute
awarded them a trophy for their use of technology. He stated that the
United States is encouraging similar activities in the Philippines and
Indonesia.
A somewhat light-hearted after-dinner talk was delivered by Eli Noam,
of Columbia University's School of Business, on the subject of
"reconciling free speech and freedom of association". He suggested that
phone systems be established whereby individuals can provide their
friends and associates with special access codes so that they can dial
them. Others can call, but at a higher rate. (Note that this would
likely have an adverse impact on legitimate business and social calls
as well as possibly reducing undesirable calls.) He stated that
presently "no computer can write the 4-line plot capsules that appear
in TV Guide", with regard to the failure of AI systems. Noam questioned
the lack of policies concerning what happens to an information data
base after an individual's death. He concluded with the statement that
for "all digital systems --- 0's and 1's are created equal."
The second day of the conference opened with a session on Law
Enforcement Practices & Problems. Glenn Tenney, well known as the
organizer of the Hacker's Conference, chaired this panel with little
comment. Don Ingraham, Assistant DA of Alameda County, Calif. (who,
during a tutorial earlier in the week, distributed information on the
writing of search warrants), gave a fantastically humorous
presentation. He spoke of the "pernicious myth of cyberspace" and
declared "you ARE the country". He mentioned that systems exist with
"the security built in of a sieve" and that people have their
information on these systems, but not necessarily because they want it
to be there. He feels that the attitude of "don't worry, we don't need
standards" is a poor one, and that laws should be written to let the
people know what the rules are. He would rather see an organization
formed called Sociable Professionals for Responsible Computing (instead
of CPSR). He finished his talk by saying "if you don't do it, who will
-- if not now, when" (a Talmudic quotation that he used without
citation).
Robert Snyder, of the Columbus Ohio Police Department, presented the
view of the "cop on the street". He spoke of his naivete when first
entering the field of computer law, and how much evidence was destroyed
at first by listening to suspects who told him to type things like
"format c:" in order to access the hard disk. He has encountered
situations where the suspect actually does not know what is on the
system --- some of these are cases where a parent is running a business
and a child is using the machine for illicit hacking purposes. In these
cases, even though he has a warrant to obtain all of the computer
equipment, he often will not shut down a legitimate business. He
brought up the issue of unregistered software sitting on a confiscated
system. There are liability problems dealing with the return of such
materials. Basically he stated that the law enforcement personnel
require further education and training, and should operate within
guidelines but with prudence.
Donald Delaney, Senior Investigator with the New York State Police,
began his talk by relating how when his home was burglarized in 1985,
he experienced a feeling of violation. This feeling is much the same
with computer crime. Many firms experience a loss of income from such
activities. In his experience, many of the people caught are engaged in
more crimes than the ones they are charged with.
Dale Boll, Deputy Directory of the Fraud Division of the U.S. Secret
Service, spoke of the various forms of access device fraud (credit
card, ATM, passwords, phone access, frequent flyer numbers, etc.). He
stated that it is illegal to posses counterfeit access devices and that
if you have 15+ illegal access devices or numbers in your possession,
you may be a subject of federal investigation. They have a 96%
conviction rate. ATM cards can be manufactured illegally using
cardboard and regular audio tape. The credit card industry is now
losing $1 Billion per year. An audience member asked if they are using
programs like Gofer (grep for UNIX hackers) to search for information
they want on bulletin boards and networks. He replied that although
they own this program, they use it personally and not for investigation
purposes.
The next session, on Law Enforcement and Civil Liberties, had seven
participants, none of whom were given much time to present their views.
I will briefly highlight what they said here. Sheldon Zenner, the
Attorney for Craig Neidorf said that the prosecutors had originally
sought a 2-year sentence, and that thanks to many of the people at this
conference who rallied to Craig's support, they were able to get him
off. Mark Rasch who defended the internet worm case stated that the
expectation of privacy is changed because of the technology employed --
- technology affects behavior. Cliff Figallo, manager of the WELL
(Whole Earth 'Lectronic Link, popular among many Bay Area participants
as an alternative means of accessing the Internet) addressed his
concerns about overuse of law enforcement. He wants his users to feel
safe. Sharon Beckman, Litigation Council to the Electronic Freedom
Foundation (EFF) and Attorney for Steve Jackson Games (whose computers
were seized, when one of his fantasy games was perceived as being
capable of training users to "hack" into computers) stated that
underlying values of the constitution should be interpreted in terms of
today's technology. Ken Rosenblatt, a District Attorney covering the
Silicon Valley area, stated that he is charged with upholding civil
liberties and feels that the laws are presently adequate. Mike Gibbons,
Special Agent for the FBI, mentioned that he worked various white
collar cases, including the 75 cent case (described in Cliff Stoll's
book), and the Robert Morris case. He feels that there are various
classes of computer crime, including impairment, data theft, and
intrusion. Mitch Kapor, founder of EFF, stated that the "electronic
frontier hasn't been settled yet" and that we should not stifle the
"network petri dish inventing the future". He questioned the nature of
reasonable search, stating that there haven't been enough cases yet to
establish a meaning for this in computer law. Everyone should be
protected from tyranny, not only hackers. He looks at the EFF as a
means of civilizing cyberspace. The matter of free speech was discussed
in the questioning session with the panel -- much speculation was
directed towards the legality of discussions of bomb-making, system
hacking, and the publication of other potentially lawless activities on
the net or in technical papers. Other comments included the fact that
law enforcement cannot seize an entire post office, their search must
be limited to the mailbox of the suspect. This analogy applies to
computer networks as well, although the volatility (ease of total
destruction of evidence) of computer data is of concern to
investigators. As I had an extended and quite insightful conversation
with Russ Brand over lunch, I returned a tad late to the next session,
on Legislation and Regulation, and was only able to catch two of the
speakers. Elliot Maxwell, Assistant Vice President at Pacific Telesis
stated that it is "difficult to have simple and specific rules". Paul
Bernstein, whose LawMUG BBS and Electronic Bar Association is well
known among the legal community, stated that one should "use mediums
that exist -- participate in fashioning the laws."
The most eye-opening session of the entire conference, in my opinion,
was the following one on Computer-Based Surveillance of Individuals. It
opened with Judith King describing the FBI Library Surveillance
Program, where the reading habits of foreign nationals were
investigated. She stated that many librarians want laws to protect the
confidentiality of users, and some statutes have been passed. Karen
Nussbaum, Executive Director of 9 to 5 (on which the film was based),
gave an accounting of the monitoring of employees in the workplace.
Currently over 26 Million employees are having their work tracked
electronically, and over 10 Million have their pay based on computer
evaluations. The personal habits of the worker can be monitored, one
can look into a user's screen and see what they are doing or even send
them messages. She described the "corporate plantation" as a place of
stress, humiliation and harassment. Gary Marx, Sociology Professor at
MIT, gave a whirlwind assessment of the importance of privacy, some
technofallacies (like the Wizard of Oz "pay no attention to the little
man behind the curtain"), and steps you can use to protect privacy (the
bulk of these useful lists are published in the proceedings). He
related how a telephone can be made "hot on the hook" so that you can
silently monitor your babysitter, your children or your spouse, when
you are not at home. Most devices, such as this one, are perfectly
legal within your own house. David Flaherty spoke again, this time in a
more serious vein, saying "we are living in a surveillant society" and
"you have to make daily choices about what you are willing to give up
about yourself." The second day's after-dinner speaker was William
Bayse, Assistant Director, Technical Services Division of the FBI, who
discussed a newly created national system called the NCIC-2000, under
the topic of "balancing computer security capabilities with privacy and
integrity". He began by asserting that crime has become more mobile and
that conventional crime-tracking methods are inadequate. For example,
he said, many missing persons actually want to remain missing. He feels
that the accuracy of records is imperative. Various information bases
have been formed, including lists of stolen items, vehicles, and wanted
persons. Presently 65,000 officers are using this system, with 360M
transactions annually, at a cost of 3 cents a transaction. For an
example of effectiveness, over $1.1 Billion in vehicles have been
recovered. Proposed, but not yet implemented is the portion of the
system which provides a live scan of fingerprints at the scene of an
arrest (or when someone is stopped for a motor vehicle violation) [with
the intended purpose of considerably reducing false identifications...
PGN]. Much criticism was generated from the audience regarding the
potential misuse of this system for harassment, and the retention of
fingerprints for future use. Marc Rotenberg addressed Bayse questioning
why documents requested under the freedom of information act from his
agency have still not been supplied, and stating that currently a
lawsuit is pending to obtain their policies regarding monitoring of
computer bulletin boards. Bayse refused comment.
The final day of the conference opened with a session on Electronic
Speech, Press and Assembly. Jack Rickard of Boardwatch Magazine
mentioned that bulletin boards are highly specialized, primarily funded
by individuals, and are in their embrionic stage. David Hughes,
Managing General Partner of Old Colorado City Communications, added
some color to the conference with his western garb (10-gallon hat, bolo
tie) and use of his laptop for the notes of his speech. He described
himself as a "Citizen of the Western Frontier of the Information Age"
and drawled, "Read my Cursor". He described electronic speech as
"fingers of the tongue with the ear for the eye --- but it is still
speech". In describing US history, were it to have occurred today,
Jefferson would have used a Macintosh, Adams would have used a PC, but
"Tom Paine would have put Common Sense on a private BBS with a
Commodore 64". "Don't tread on my cursor!" he cried. George Perry, Vice
President of Prodigy, began by saying that he did not want to engage in
discussion on the dispute, but then stated that "Prodigy does not read
private email". Prodigy is a privately owned and operated company which
believes that the market should be allowed to decide what services need
to be provided. The Constitution regulates free speech with respect to
the government, Prodigy thinks of itself as a publisher. Lance Rose, a
NY Attorney, enumerated the types of rights afforded to individuals and
companies with regard to ownership, including trade secrets,
confidentiality, trademark, copyright and patent. There is currently a
great diversity of laws which service providers must adhere to, making
the provider, in some instances, a law enforcement agent. During the
open comment section, Hughes noted that very few legislators are
currently on-line, and he thanked Prodigy for preparing the NAPLPS
market (for his products). The notable talk in the Access to Government
Information session was David Burnham's (Co-Director and Writer with
the Transactional Records Access Clearinghouse [TRAC] in D.C.). He
stated that "badly administered agencies are more damaging than rogue
operations". The objectives of TRAC are to obtain transactional data
>from federal enforcement agencies, such as the IRS, NRC, and Justice
Department. He demonstrated how the raw statistics could be combined
with additional figures regarding inflation, population, and margin of
error, showing that the so-called "trends" of increasing crime, or
increased non-compliance with tax law, were actually flat lines when
the mitigating factors were added in.
The final panel discussion was on Ethics and Education. Richard
Hollinger, Sociology Professor with the University of Florida, asserted
that the "same officers who are investigating computer crimes are the
ones who are protesting computers in their patrol cars because they
feel it would be oppressive." He is concerned with the industry's
encouragement of the use of computers in schools, before rules for
their ethical use have been written. Donn Parker with SRI stated that
laws are needed in order to convict hackers. Convictions have a "very
good effect on our whole problem", he said. He referred back to the
60's when the ACM and IEEE drafted codes of conduct, and said that
these should be popularized. He believes that one can not teach ethics,
that it comes from interpersonal relationships, and (for him) the
Christian religion and the Bible. One can teach, he believes, the
application of ethics, beyond the golden rule. He delineated three
rules: 1. The Owner's Rule - you choose to issue your property into the
public domain, or not; 2. The User's Rule - you assume everything
belongs to something else, unless otherwise informed; 3. The Hacker's
Rule - systems are free, everything should go to the people (which he
rejected as childish, not worth considering). He suggested that we
consider the dilemma of Descartes -- if it is OK to start by stealing
pencils, where then can we draw the line? Dorothy Denning spoke briefly
regarding the network uses by children (Kids Net). She speculated that
we should teach them something about hacking in order to take the
mystery out of it. She compared telephone fraud by children as a more
sophisticated version of the "is your refrigerator running" prank.
The Education and Ethics panel continued with the softspoken John
Gilmore, a "generalist" with Cygnus Support. He warned that we are
losing the larger open society. The US is currently #1 in percentage of
population in jail. He spoke of drug usage as a victimless crime. John
asked the audience "who has not broken a law in the past month?" Only a
few raised their hands. He then asked "who here has all their disks
clean -- free from something you would not want them to find if you
were investigated?" About 15% raised their hands, but after pondering
it, a number of them lowered them (the person behind me muttered that
he had some shareware for which he had not paid). Gilmore said "privacy
is a means -- what is the end we are looking for? Tolerance." He urged
real privacy of personal communications, financial transactions, things
should be as "private as that thought held in our minds." He demanded
that we stop building fake systems -- laws that dictate that you "can't
listen to cellular phone calls" -- and instead build real protections
into your systems and buy them from others. His talk received a
standing ovation from the vast majority of the audience members.
The remaining panel speaker, Sally Bowman, a Child Psychologist with
the Computer Learning Foundation, stated that her organization is
working to raise awareness and solve a number of problem areas. The
problems she outlined were: 1. Lack of awareness of the magnitude of
the problem. Software industry is being hurt by piracy; 2. Many
misimpressions -- confusion, lack of information; 3. Lack of teeth in
software copying policies; 4. Lack of strategies in teaching ethics; 5.
School budgets are too small to allow legal procurement of software.
Her organization is presently educating parents as to the "tell-tale"
signs which indicate whether a child is "abusing" computer systems.
The concluding session, entitled "Where Do We Go From Here" was staffed
by a number of the conference speakers. They overviewed their feelings
regarding the issues raised during the sessions and made general
comments with respect to what they might do to raise awareness and
resolve some of the problems.
Throughout the conference many pamphlets, brochures and newsletters
were distributed. Although it is infeasible for me to provide copies of
this literature, interested parties can contact me or Jim Warren
(jwarren@well.sf.ca.us) to provide source names and addresses. Some of
the more interesting items (in no particular order, just how they
happened to come out of my briefcase) included:
- Brochures from the Cato Institute "Toward a Moral Drug Policy",
"America's Counter-revolution", "The Semiconductor Industry and Foreign
Competition", "The Promise of High-Definition Television: The Hype and
the Reality", and their publication catalog.
- Matrix Information and Directory Services Newsletter.
- The Manifesto of Militant Humanism.
- "Are you a Hacker?" by Robert Bickford, reprinted from MicroTimes.
- Call for formation of a World Privacy Network.
- An advertisement for SafeWord Software (password
checking/protection).
- Condom distributed by Anterior Technology (they market a system
whereby you can retrieve the first 80 characters of emails while out of
town).
- "The Bill of Rights is Under Attack" from Committee for the Bill of
Rights.
- Hollywood Hacker Info, reprinted from Computer Underground Digest.
- Calif. State Assembly Bill #1168 on Personal Information Integrity.
- Computer Learning Month - from the Computer Learning Foundation.
- The Equifax Report on Consumers in the Information Age - A reprint
of John Barlow's article "Crime and Puzzlement" from Whole Earth
Review, Fall 1990.
- Various brochures from the First Amendment Congress, an
organization providing educational materials on the First Amendment.
- Policy papers from the League for Programming Freedom including
"Against Software Patents", "Lotus Disinformation Forewarned is
Forearmed", and the Effector (its newsletter).
- CPSR reprints of newsarticles regarding the Lotus database.
- Promotional literature for Ted Nelson's Xanadu.
- Brochure for the Community Memory BBS, and its newsletter.
- Brochure for the Art Com Electronic Network.
- Brochure for the International Society for Individual Liberty.
- Various copies of MicroTimes.
- Application forms for CPSR and the League for Programming Freedom.
- Rel-EAST, the east-west high-tech business report.
- Suggested reading on how computer crime is investigated from Don
Ingraham.
- Book promotional literature including: "Rogue Programs" edited by
Lance Hoffman, Van Nostrand Reinhold "Protecting Privacy in
Surveillance Societies", David Flaherty, University of North Carolina
Press "Spectacular Computer Crimes", Buck Bloombecker, Dow Jones-Irwin
"Using the Public Library in the Computer Age", Westin & Finger, ALA.
Directions & Implications of Advanced Computing, Vol. 1 and Proceedings
>from 88 and 90, CPSR.
- Flyer announcing "The Privacy Project" an NPR series (for which I
was interviewed) to be broadcast in the Fall of 1991.
- Flyer advertising "Your Expanding Infosphere" an NPR ComputerTalk
Program.
- Reason, a magazine for "free minds and free markets" whose cover
story was on cryogenics.
- Flyer on the National Apple Users Group Conference, June 7-9, 1991.
- Flyer on the Silicon Valley Networking Conference, April 23-25,
1991.
- Flyer on the third Chugach Conference, University of Alaska, Oct.
3-5, 1991. Plus Center for Information Technology News from U. Alaska.
- Flyer on the Calif. Forum of the First Amendment Congress, May 6,
1991, Stanford University (free to the public).
- Flyer for the Electronic Democracy Conference, Sept 4-5, 1991.
- Calls for Papers from: The National Conference on Computing and
Values (Aug. 12-16, 1991) Directions & Implications of Advanced
Computing (May 2-3, 1992)
I returned home with a broader idea of the many facets of the computer
freedom and privacy issue. I must now admit to being more worried than
I was before I attended this conference, as to the lack of solutions
being offered by my colleagues. Perhaps this meeting of the minds is a
first start. More work needs to be done.
R. Mercuri mercuri@gradient.cis.upenn.edu The following are some
addenda & corrections to my trip report on the Computers, Freedom and
Privacy Conference, with thanks to the individuals who provided
additional details and insights.
1. A second CFP conference has been scheduled for Spring 1992 in
Washington, D.C. -- the general chairman will be Lance J. Hoffman.
2. Later figures for the first conference indicate that Jim Warren's
losses may not have been as severe as he had indicated when I spoke
with him.
3. Although the formation notice for alt.privacy indicated that the US
Privacy Council was created AT the CFP conference, Lance Hoffman has
informed me that this organization was actually formed PRIOR to the
conference. Its first public meeting was held during the conference
period but otherwise had no official conference involvement.
4. Robert Veeder works at the Office of Information Regulatory Affairs
IN D.C., a branch of the federal Office of Management and Budget.
5. Mark Rasch prosecuted (not defended) the internet worm case.
6. Dorothy Denning wrote to me, mentioning that "the main point I tried
to make in my talk was that we are letting our young people down by not
taking responsibility for bringing them into the computing and network
community as responsible users." My brief comments of her talk could
lead a reader to believe that she was somewhat cavalier about the
issue, which was certainly not the case.
7. The "sandals of Silicon Valley to the dark suits of Washington"
quote should be accredited to Terry Winograd.
8. Judith Krug (not King) spoke in behalf of the American Library
Association.
9. In Dave Hughes' talk, he had Franklin using an Apple and Jefferson
using Word Perfect running under Windows (far more comical than what I
had recalled).
Considering the length of the conference and quantity of speakers, I
am relieved that my errors and omissions were so few.
Yours in good journalism, R. Mercuri mercuri@gradient.cis.upenn.edu
--

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COMPUTERS, FREEDOM, AND PRIVACY-2: A REPORT
by Steve Cisler (sac@apple.com)
[The opinions and views expressed are those of the author, Steve Cisler,
and not necessarily those of Apple Computer, Inc. Misquotes of people's
statements are my responsibility. Permission is granted for re-posting
in electronic form or printing in whole or in part by non-profit
organizations or individuals. Transformations or mutations into
musicals, docudramas, morality plays, or wacky sitcoms remain the right
of the author. This file may be found on the Internet in ftp.apple.com
in the alug directory.
-Steve Cisler, Apple Computer Library.
Internet address: sac@apple.com ]
The Second Conference on Computers, Freedom, and Privacy, (March
18-20, 1992. Washington,D.C.).was sponsored by the Association for
Computing Machinery and thirteen co-sponsors including the American
Library Association and a wide variety of advocacy groups.
The diversity of the attendees, the scope of the topics covered,
and the dynamism of the organized and informal sessions gave me a
perspective I had lost in endless conferences devoted only to library,
information, and network issues. I can now view the narrower topics of
concern to me as a librarian in new ways. Because of that it was one of
the best conferences I have attended. But there's a danger of these
issues being re-hashed each year with "the usual suspects" invited each
time to be panelists, so I urge you, the readers, to become involved and
bring your own experiences to the next conference in 1993 in the San
Francisco Bay Area.
++====================================================================++
Wednesday, March 18
The day began with concurrent tutorials on the following topics:
Getting on the Net (Mitchell Kapor, Electronic Frontier
Foundation);
Making Information Law and Policy (Jane Bortnick, Congressional
Research Service);
Communications and Network Evolution (Sergio Heker, JVNCNet),
Private Sector Privacy (Jeff Smith, Georgetown University);
Constitutional Law for Non-lawyers (Mike Godwin, EFF);
Computer Crime (Don Ingraham, Alameda County (CA) District Attorney);
Modern Telecommunications: Life After Humpty- Dumpty (Richard
Wolff, Bellcore);
International Privacy Developments (David Flaherty, Univ. of
Western Ontario);
and the one I attended...
Information Law and Policy: Jane Bortnick,
Congressional Research Service (CRS)
In Bortnick's tutorial, she covered the following points:
1)Setting information policy is not a linear process, and it's
not clear how or when it is made because of many inputs to the process.
2) Many policies sit on the shelf until a crisis, and the right
technology is either in place, or certain people grab it.
3)Events create renewed interest in information policy.
4)Industry, academic, or non-governmental groups play an
important role by testifying before committees studying policy and by
lobbying.
5)CRS is the institutional memory for Congress because of the
rapid turnover in the staff on the Hill.
6) The challenge is to develop policy that does not hinder or
hold things up, but there is a high degree of uncertainty, change, and
lack of data. The idea is to keep things as open as possible throughout
the process.
Bortnick said that the majority of laws governing information
policy were written in an era of paper; now electronic access is being
added, and Congress is trying to identify fundamental principles, not
specific changes.
Because of the economic factors impinging on the delivery of
information, members of Congress don't want to anger local cable, phone,
or newspaper firms.
To get sensible legislation in a rapidly changing environment you
have to, paradoxically, slow down the legislative processes to avoid
making bad laws. Nevertheless, in a crisis, Congress can sometimes work
very quickly.
We have to realize that Congress can't be long term because of
annual budget cycles and because of the hard lobbying by local
interests.
In making good policy and laws, building consensus is the key.
The current scope of information policy:
-spans broad range of topics dealing with information
collection, use, access, and dissemination
-global warming has a component because new satellites will dump
a terabyte a day: who is responsible for storage, access, adding value
to all of this data?
-many bills have the phrase: "and they will establish a
clearinghouse of information on this topic"
-information policy has increasingly become an element within
agency programs
-impact of information technologies further complicates debate
-result=more interested players from diverse areas.
Congress has many committees that deals with these issues. CRS
gets 500,000 requests for information a year: 1700 in one day. After
"60 minutes" is broadcast CRS gets many requests for information. from
Congress.
Jim Warren asked several questions about access to government
information. There was a general discussion about how the Library of
Congress would be digitized (size, cost, copyright barriers). It was
noted that state level experiments affected federal activity, especially
the states that are copyrighting their information (unlike the federal
government).
The discussion about Congressional reluctance to communicate via
electronic mail with constituents: a new directory does not even list
some fax numbers that had been quasi-public before some offices felt
inundated with fax communications.
++====================================================================++
Keynote Address:
Al Neuharth, The Freedom Forum and founder of USA Today
"Freedom in cyberspace: new wine in old flasks"
Lunch, following the tutorials, was followed by an address by Al
Neuharth. The high points were:
1. First amendment freedoms are for everyone. Newspaper publishers
should not relegate anyone to 2nd class citizenship or the back of the
bus.
2. The passion for privacy may make our democracy falter.
3. Publishing of disinformation is the biggest danger, not
information-glut.
Commenting on American Newspaper Publishers Assn. to keep RBOCs
out of information business, Neuharth noted that the free press clause in
the Bill of Rights does not only apply to newspapers. Telcos have first
amendment rights too. "ANPA is spitting into the winds of change", he
said, and some newspaper publishers are not happy with this stance, so
there is a lot of turmoil. People should get their news when, how and
where they want it: on screen or tossed on the front porch. Telcos have
yet to demonstrate expertise in information gathering and dissemination;
they have an outmoded allegiance to regulation .
He strongly criticized the use of anonymous sources by newspapers.
Anonymous sources, he said, provide misinformation that does irreparable
harm. The Washington Post is the biggest user of confidential sources.
Withholding of names encourages fabricating and misinformation. Opinions
and style should not be hidden in news pages but kept on the editorial
page.
++====================================================================++
Wednesday Afternoon Session: Who Logs On?
Given by Robert Lucky of Bell Labs:
Speaking personally, Lucky covered the following points:
1. Fiber to the home: who pays for it?
The consumers will pay and the consumer will benefit. How much
they will pay and how much they will benefit is what matters.
We must to install wideband switching and we will.The drama is
mainly economic and political, not technical. It will happen in 40
years. Asked what fiber will bring that copper will not, Lucky took the
Field of Dreams approach: supply of bandwidth will create demand.
2. Access and privacy.
This is a personal quandary for Lucky. Intimate communications
will be coming-- individual cells on each pole and an individual number
for each person. "I like to call anybody from my wrist, but I hate
having people calling me."
If you have access, you can't have privacy. The right to be
left alone takes away from the 'right' from other people. Lucky was the
first of many to raise the problems of the FBI recommend legislation,
the Digital Telephony Amendment, that would require re-design of present
network so that surveillance could take place, and that the cost of
doing this would be 20 cents a month per subscriber. It will be hard to
find conversations, but you will pay for this. He viewed this with
grave concern; it's a bad idea. He is all for getting drug kings but he
wants his privacy.
3. Lucky's observations on the Internet/NREN:
One of the wonderful things is the sense of freedom on the
Internet. Anonymous ftp. There are programs and bulletin boards. Sense
of freedom of information and freedom of communication, but nobody seems
to pay for it. It just comes. As a member of AT&T, this needs to be
transitioned to a commercial enterprise. Government is not good at this;
intellectual property lawyers will build walls, and hackers may screw
it up too. "I still want all the freedom in the commercial enterprise."
Linda Garcia of the OTA (Office of Technology Assessment) spoke
about access issues and said it was a cost/benefit problem. Rural areas
should be able construct a rural area network (RAN). Take small
businesses, educators, hospitals and pool their demand for a broadband
network. Government could act as a broker or community organizer and
transfer the technology. Rural communities should not be treated the
same way as urban areas. The regulatory structure should be different for
rural Maine than for lower Manhattan. See her OTA reports "Critical
Connections and Rural America at the Crossroads" for in-depth
treatments of these issues.
Al Koppe of New Jersey Bell outlined the many new services being
rolled out in NJ at the same time they are maintaining low basic rates.
--In 1992 there will be narrowband digital service for low
quality video conferencing; in 1994 wideband digital service.
--Video on demand, entertainment libraries and distance learning
applications will be coming along soon after.
--Koppe predicted a 99% penetration by 1999 with complete fiber
by 2010. This will be a public network and not a private one. It will
still be a common carrier.
This is a very aggressive and optimistic plan, an important one
for all of us to watch. Lucky said he had never seen a study that shows
video on demand services can be competitive with video store prices. The
big question remains: how does a business based on low-bandwidth voice
services charge for broadband services? It remains a paradox.
Brian Kahin, Kennedy School of Government, discussed the growth of
the Internet and policy issues:
--points of access for different users
--network structure and current NSFNet controversy
He said the NREN debate is one between capacity (enabling high end
applications) and connectivity (number of resources and users online).
++====================================================================++
Afternoon Session: Ethics, Morality, and Criminality
Mike Gibbons of the FBI chaired this session which was one of the
central themes for all present. In the same room we had law enforcement
(LE) representatives from state, local, and federal governments, civil
libertarians, and convicted computer criminals, as well as some victims.
The FBI views the computer as a tool, and Gibbons told a story
about the huge raid on Lyndon LaRouche's data center in Virginia where
400 LE types took part. I had the feeling that Gibbons was telling his
own hacker story because the audience would appreciate the challenges
that faced him more than LE supervisors without a technical knowledge of
computers would appreciate it. He was also involved in the Robert Morris
case.
Mike Godwin of EFF agrees that it is not ethical to access other
people's computer without permission, but Mike represents those who may
have acted unethically but still have rights.
Case involving Craig Neidorf of _phrack_ who felt that his
publication of a Bell South document was within the 1st amendment .
Bell South pegged the Document cost was $70K because it included the Vax
workstation and the software in the cost! There was a question whether
that document was property at all. LE folks can make good faith
mistakes, but Craig had to spend $100,000 and that the prosecutor and
Secret Service never admitted they were wrong.
Jim Settle from FBI sets policy on computer crime and supervisor
of computer crime squad. Background in Univacs in 1979. There is not a lot
of case law on computer crimes. LE was computer stupid and is not out
there to run over people's rights. They discuss moral issues even when
an action was legal.
Don Delaney of the New York State Police: He has been dealing with
PBX and calling card fraud; he talks to students about perils of
computer crime, and works with companies who have been hit. Every day at
least one corporation has called him. $40,000 to $400K loss in a short
time. He has found glitches in the PBX software; he complained that few
PBX salespeople tell the customers about remote access units through
which criminals gain access. Once this happens the number is sold on the
street in New York at about $10 for 20 minutes. Even Westchester County
Library was hit. People used binoculars to read the PIN numbers on
caller's cards as they dialed in Grand Central Station. Delaney called
this 'shoulder surfing' and noted that cameras, camcorders, and
binoculars are being used regularly.
Mitch Kapor raised the issue of the Digital Telephony Amendment.
It is proposed legislation to amend 18 USC 2510 (government can intercept
communications on showing probable cause as they did with John Gotti)
Settle of the FBI asked: "What happens if the technology says you can't
do it? You change the tech. to allow it or you repeal the law that
allows wire tap. Don Parker of SRI said it is essential to have
wiretap ability as a tool for LE.
The FBI under the Department of Justice has authority to use
wiretaps in its operations. This has been one of the most effective
tools that law enforcement has, but with the advent of digital telephony
such as ISDN, the LE community is worried that no capability exists to
intercept these digital signals, and this will preclude the FBI and
other LE officials from intercepting electronic communications.
The FBI proposes an amendment to the Communications Act of 1934 to
require electronic services providers to ensure that the government will
e able to intercept digital communications. There are a number of parts
to the bill:
1. the FCC shall determine the interception needs of the DOJ and
issue regulations 120 days after enactment.
2. Service providers and pbx operators to modify existing telecom
systems within 180 days and prohibit use of non-conforming equipment
thereafter, with penalties of $10,000 per day for willful offenders.
3. Gives FCC the authority to compensate the system operators by
rate structure adjustment for required modifications. That is, the user
will pay for this decreased security desired by the government.
Godwin said he believes that wiretap is okay when procedures are
followed, but you have to decide what kind of society you want to live
in. The FBI asked, "Are you going to say that crime is okay over the
phones and that it should not be controlled?" He implied that not making
changes to the law would leave cyberspace open to sophisticated
criminals, many of whom have more resources for technology that does the
LE community. For more information on this there is a 10 page
legislative summary.
++====================================================================++
The Evening of Day One:
There were Birds of a Feather (BOF) sessions that were less formal
and with less attendance. Nevertheless, they were some of the high
points of the conference.
Where else would one find the law enforcement types switching
roles with computer intruders who had to defend a system against an attack?
Kudos to Mike Gibbons for setting this up.
There was also a panel of hackers (I use the term in the broadest
and non-pejorative sense) including "Emmanuel Goldstein"--the nom de
plume for the editor of 2600: The Hacker's Weekly; Craig Neidorf,
founder of phrack; Phiber Optik, a young man who recently plea bargained to
a couple of charges; and Dorothy Denning, chair of the CS department at
Georgetown University.
Goldstein (this was a character in Orwell's 1984 who was a front
for the establishment!) sees hackers as intellectuals on a quest for
bugs which, when corrected, help the system owner.He is extremely
frustrated over media treatment of hackers, yet he was open to a
Japanese camera crew filming the casual meetings of 2600 readers that
took place in the hotel lobby throughout the conference. He said that
hackers and system administrators work together with each other in
Holland.
As an example of lax system management there was a military
computer during the middle east war had a password of Kuwait'. Don
Parker of SRI believes that Goldstein should not continually blame the
victim.
Many of the hackers and publishers strongly believed that
"knowing how things work is not illegal." The current publisher of Phrack
said, "I believe in Freedom of Speech and want to tell people about new
technology."
Most librarians would agree, but much of the problem was what some
people did with that knowledge. An interesting discussion followed about
who was responsible for security: vendors, system administrators, or
public law enforcement personnel. Phiber Optik is now maintaining a Next
machine on the Net and complained that answers to technical questions
cost $100 per hour on the Next hotline.
++====================================================================++
Electronic Money: Principles and Progress
Eric Hughes, DigiCash
Electronic money uses public key encryption. People can recognize
your digital signature, but cannot read it. The goal is to create a bank
on the Internet that only uses software and affords the user complete
anonymity. There is the bank, the buyer, and the seller. Money flows
from the bank in a money loop. Bank does not know what is signs but it
knows that it did sign it and will honor the electronic check. This would
allow financial transactions and privacy for the buyer.
In a library setting this would mean I could buy an item
electronically (a document, image, code) and nobody could link it with
my name. My buying habits would be private, and a person roaming through
the transactions might see that someone purchased the computer simulation
"Small furry animals in pain" but would not know the name of the
purchaser.
Doing private database queries will become more and more important
as the network is used for more business activities. The DigiCash scheme
has multi-party security and is a safe way of exchanging files and
selling them in complete privacy. It's also very cheap and the
unlinkability is very important.
In the discussion session the issue of drug lords using the system
was raised. DigiCash has limited its transactions to less than $10,000,
and most would be far less. A British attendee said that stores had to
keep extensive records for VAT tax audits, so EEC and US regulations
would conflict with the goals of DigiCash.
++====================================================================++
Thursday Morning Sessions
For Sale: Government Information
This was staged as a role playing advisory panel where a grad
student made a broad and complicated request for information in a
particular format. The panelist made short statements about their
interests and then tried to answer the pointed questions from George
Trubow of John Marshall Law School.
Dwight Morris (LA Times):
His job is to get government data and turn it into news stories.
He noted that the FOIA is a joke; it's a last resort. Vendors are foia-ing
the agencies and then trying to sell those foia requesters software to
read the data tapes!
Ken Allen of the Information Agency Association:
The government should not elude the appropriations process by
selling information, nor should the agency control content. The IIA is
against exclusive contracts.
Mitch Freedman,Westchester Co. Library ALA Coordinator for Access to
Information:
Are many people asking for access for this information, or will
the coding benefit many users in the long run? He mentioned of WINDO
program, freedom of access, and its link to informed democracy.
Franklin Reeder, Office of management and Budget:
He observed that unusable databases in raw form mean that choice
of format is irrelevant. There may be broader demand for this information,
and the database should be provided with interfaces for many users.
Government agencies should not turn to information provision for
revenues; it becomes an impediment to access. "I don't think the public
sector should be entrepreneurial. "
Costin Toregas, Public Technology, Inc.--owned by cities and counties in
U.S. and Canada:
We should re-examine our language when discussing information and
access. How do you recover the costs of providing the new technological
access mechanisms. The provision of this should be high priority.
Robert Belair, Kirkpatrick and Lockhart, deals in FOIA and privacy
issues:
Choice of format is an issue, and in general we are doing a bad
job. Belair notes that FOIA requests are not cheap. There are $2-4,000
fees from government agencies--even more than the lawyer fees!
Questions:
Denning: no view of where technology is taking us. Why not put the
FOIA information online?
Freedman says the Owens bill handles this.
Weingarten says that one agency is planning for a db that has no
equipment to handle it yet.
Belair: we will get change in FOIA and the Owens bill is good.
Toregas: A well-connected community is crucial.
Harry Goodman asked Ken Allen if he still believed that "libraries
be taken off the dole."
Allen denied he said this but Goodman had it on tape! Allen said
privatization is a red herring. Government agencies might not be the
best way to provide the access to information. Allen says it should be by
diverse methods.
Glenn Tenney, running for Congress in San Mateo County (CA), said
he had trouble getting information on voting pattern of the members of
Congress and to buy it would have cost thousands of dollars.(
Ken Allen replied that a private company had developed the
information from raw material, but others thought this was basic
information that should be available to all citizens. Other people
wanted the Congressional Records online (and cheap); others wanted the
private sector to do it all and to get the government to partner in such
projects.
++====================================================================++
Free Speech and the Public Telephone Network
Jerry Berman of the EFF:
--Do telcos have the right to publish over their own networks?
--What are the implications of telcos as newspapers vs. telcos
as common carrier? Aren't safeguards needed to compel free access for all
players?
--There is already discrimination on the 900 services (provision
or billing for porno businesses).
--When the public finds out what is on the network, there will
be a big fight.
--Will we follow the print model or the broadcasting model?
--How can a new infrastructure secure a diversity of speech and
more participants, and how we can break the deadlock between cable,
papers, and telcos.
Henry Geller, Markle Foundation (FCC/NTIA) :
-- The key is the common carrier nature of the telephone
networks and that they should carry all traffic without determining what is
appropriate.
--Congress can't chose between warring industries, so it won't
act on some of these telecomm issues.
--Broadband area: if the bits flowing are TV programming, the
telco is forbidden to provide. Print model is a good one to follow, not
the cable or broadcast model. He mentioned CNN's squelching of NBC
cable channel.
John Podesta (Podesta Associates):
--There are forces that are trying to push messengers off the
road and keep the network from being diverse.
--We need a network with more voices, not just those of the
owners.
--We will be faced with censorship by the government and network
owners (MCI, US West);
--There will be more invasion of privacy
Six things have to happen:
1. More competition via open platform. Personal ISDN at low
tariffs.
2. Structural safeguards
3. Common carriers should be content neutral when providing access
4. Originators should bear responsibility for obscene or salacious
postings.
5. Protect net against invasion of privacy. Debate is whether it
will be easier or harder to wiretap in the future.
6. Don't adopt broadcast or cable model for network; both are more
restrictive with regards to First Amendment issues.
Bob Peck (ACLU):
--Government ban on RBOCs providing information is a first
amendment issue, but there is also an issue of access. How do we make
sure that everyone gets charged the same rates?
--The Rust vs. Sullivan decision could affect network use;
abortion clinics could not answer any questions about the topic. US
Govt. claimed: "We paid for the microphone; we just want to be able to
control what is said." This is being argued in other cases by DOJ
and should be resisted.
Eli Noam (NYU):
--Coming from state government he tried to be an oxymoron, a
"forward-looking state utility commissioner".
--Telcos say: If anyone can use the common carrier, why not
themselves.
--Free speech is rooted in the idea of scarcity and restraints
to access.
--When you have 9000 channels, who cares?
--There will be no scarcity. He predicts people will be video
literate. Video will have new obscene phone calls.
--We are over-optimistic about the short term and too cautious
about long term effects.
--Telecommuting is already happening on a significant scale.
--We will have telecommunities, subcultures of special interest
groups.
--Our political future is based on jurisdiction. Is there a new
form of political entity emerging that transcends time zones?
--Information glut: The key issue will be how you filter and
screen it.
--Handling the information will be a big issue.The user's brain
is the ultimate bottleneck.
--Internet news is about 18 MB a day.
--Screening will be by the network itself or by user groups and
telecommunities.
--Rights of individuals vs. the governments. Is the first
amendment a local ordinance?
--We need power over international interconnection. Fly the flag
of teledemocracy.
++====================================================================++
Lunch with Bruce Sterling
Bruce Sterling, author of The Difference Engine (with William
Gibson) and a new title, The Hacker Crackdown, gave an outstanding
performance/speech entitled "Speaking the Unspeakable" in which he
represented three elements of the so- called computer community who were
not at CFP-2.
--The Truly Malicious Hacker:
"Your average so-called malicious user -- he's a dweeb! He
can't keep his mouth shut! ....Crashing mainframes-- you call that
malice? Machines can't feel any pain! You want to crash a machine, try
derailing a passenger train. Any idiot can do that in thirty minutes,
it's pig-easy, and there's *nothing* in the way of security. Personally
I can't understand why trains aren't de-railed every day."
--A narco-general who has discovered the usefulness of his
contacts with the North American law enforcement communities--and their
databases:
"These databases that you American police are maintaining.
Wonderful things....The limited access you are granting us only whets
our appetite for more. You are learning everything about our
criminals....However, we feel that it is only just that you tell us
about your criminals.....Let us get our hands on your Legions of Doom. I
know it would look bad if you did this sort of thing yourselves. But you
needn't."
--A data pirate from Asia:
"The digital black market will win, even if it means the
collapse of your most cherished institutions....Call it illegal, call it
dishonest, call it treason against the state; your abuse does not
matter; those are only words and words are not as real as bread. The only
question is how much suffering you are willing to inflict on yourselves,
and on others, in the pursuit of your utopian dream."
Sterling's speech was a hilarious, yet half-serious departure from
the usual fare of conferences and is well worth obtaining the audio or
video cassette. I also recommend you attend the American Library
Association conference in late June 1992 when Sterling will address the
LITA attendees.
++====================================================================++
Who's in Your Genes
Who's in Your Genes was an overview of genetic data banking, and a
discussion of the tension between an individual's right to privacy and
the interests of third parties. DNA forensic data banks and use of
genetic records by insurers were explored. Madison Powers was
chair. Panelists included John Hicks, FBI Lab; Paul Mendelsohn,
Neurofibromatosis, Inc.; Peter Neufeld, Esq.; Madison Powers,
Kennedy Center for Ethics, Georgetown University.
++====================================================================++
Private Collection of Personal Information
This was another role-playing session where the participants took
positions close to those they would hold in real life. Ron Plessor of
Piper and Marbury acted as the 'scene setter and facilitator'. It was he
who posed the broad question "Should the government have a role in the
privacy debate?" and asked the panelists to debate about the
establishment of a data protection board (as proposed by Congressman
Wise in H.R. 685d).
Janlori Goldman of the ACLU enthusiastically embraced the role of
general counsel to the Data Board. She questioned the representatives
from the fictitious private enterprises who were planning a supermarket
discount shoppers' program where all items are matched with the
purchaser and mailing lists would be generated with this fine-grained
information.
"It would be good to come to the board before you start the
service." Her tone was very ominous, that of a friendly but all powerful
bureaucrat. "Bring your papers and come on in to discuss your project.
Let's keep it informal and friendly this time to prevent the more formal
meeting." She even alluded to making subpoenas and getting phone
records of the direct marketeers. She would not offer the marketeers
assurances of confidentiality in their discussion, and even though this
was role playing, several people around me who had thought the idea of a
board would be useful, changed their mind by the end, partly because of
her fervor.
At the Q&A session about 25 people dashed for the microphones,
making this session the most provocative of all. At least it touched a
chord with everyone.
++====================================================================++
On the evening of March 19, the Electronic Frontier Foundation
presented the EFF Pioneer awards to those individuals who have done the
most to advance liberty, responsibility, and access to computer-based
communications. I was honored to serve as a judge and read the large
number of nominations. Each person or institution made a strong
impression on me, and it was difficult to narrow it down to five people.
The recipients each made a very moving statement after they were called
to the podium by Mitchell Kapor of the EFF.
++====================================================================++
March 20
Privacy and Intellectual Freedom in the Digital Library
Bob Walton of CLSI, Inc.
Walton discussed the transformation of libraries as collections of
books into digital libraries with falling technological costs and
volatile questions of intellectual property and reimbursement.
Gordon Conable, Monroe (MI) County Library system, spoke of
libraries as First Amendment institutions, ones where Carnegie saw the
provision of free information as a public good. However, the economics
of digital information are quite different, and this causes problems, as
does the government using the power of the purse to control speech (Rust
vs. Sullivan).
I spoke about the case of Santa Clara County (CA) Library
defending its open access policy when a citizen complained about
children checking out videos he thought should be restricted. It was a
good example of how the whole profession from the branch librarian on up
to the California State Librarian presented a unified front in the face
of opposition from some parts of the community and the San Jose Mercury
News, the local paper that waffled somewhat on its own stance.
Jean Polly of Liverpool Public Library spoke about the problems
running a library BBS where religious fundamentalists dominated the
system, but outlined her library's many activities (smallest public
library as an Internet node) and her plans for the future.
++====================================================================++
Who Holds the Keys?
In a sense the cryptography discussion was one of the most
difficult to follow, yet the outlines of a very large battlefield came
into view by the end of the session. The two sides are personal privacy
and national security. Should the government be allowed to restrict the
use of cryptography? (Only weakened schemes are allowed to be legally
exported.) What legal protections should exist for enciphered
communications?
David Bellin of the Pratt Institute stood up and spoke in code. He
thought encrypted speech was protected and that he should have the right
to associate with his peers through encryption (to prevent snooping). He
did not believe the technology is controllable, nor that there is safety
and one end and freedom at the other.
Jim Bidzos of RSA Data Security said we need a review of
cryptographic policy. The long term effects of the current
confrontational relationship will be bad. John Gilmore of Cygnus Support
felt that the public should discuss cryptographic issues and not behind
closed doors. This is a good time for network people, manufacturers, and
the government to work together. John Perry Barlow sees encryption as an
answer to the problem of having lots of privacy. Using the drug war
rationale to prohibit export is a bad idea. Whitfield Diffie, of Sun
Microsystems gave an excellent overview of the philosophy of encryption
and why it's important as we move from face-to-face communications to
electronic. There are a number of policy problems:
--a bad person might be able to protect information against all
assaults. In a free society a person is answerable for your actions,
but a totalitarian society uses prior restraint. What will ours become?
--Can a so-called 'free society' tolerate unrestricted use of
cryptography? Because cryptography can be done on standard processors
with small programs, and because covert channels are hard to detect,
enforcement of a strong anti-crypto law would require drastic measures.
I asked Jim Bidzos about the government agencies beating their
swords into plowshares by looking for new roles in a world without a
Soviet threat. He thought NSA could use budget hearings to say that with
a lean/mean military budget, a modest increase in crypto capability
might give the government more lead time in an emergency.
One member of the audience challenged Bidzos to go ahead and
export RSA outside of the US. Barlow responded "Come on, Jim. The
Russians are already using RSA in their <missile> launch codes." To
which Bidzos replied, "My revenue forecasts are being revised downward!"
<laughter> Barlow answered, "You would not have gotten any royalties
from them anyway." <more laughter> Bidzos: "Maybe..." <even more
laughter>
With only a partial understanding of some of the technology
involved (cryptography is a special field peopled mainly by
mathematicians and intelligence officials), I think that this will be
the issue of the 90s for libraries. It may be a way to protect both privacy
and intellectual property in the digital libraries of the future.
++====================================================================++
Final Panel:
Public Policy for the 21st Century,
moderated by Mara Liasson, National Public Radio
"How will information technologies alter work, wealth, value,
political boundaries?... What will the world be like in a decade or
two?... What public policies now exist that may pull the opposite
direction from the economic momentum and will lead to social tension and
breakage if not addressed properly?"
Peter Denning, George Mason University:
People used to have faith that strong governments would bring
salvation through large programs (he named failures). The poor track
record of government and changes in comms technology have accelerated
the decline of the faith.
Mitchell Kapor:
He sees digital media as the printing press of the 21st century.
The WELL and others make us realize we are not prisoners of geography,
so our religious, hobby, or academic interests can b shared by the enabling
technologies of computers. "Individuals flourish from mass society with
this technology" Openness, freedom, inclusiveness will help us make a
society that will please our children and grandchildren.
Simon Davies, Privacy International:
"There is possibly a good future, but it's in the hands of
greedy men. I see a world with 15 billion beings scrambling for life,
with new frontiers stopping good things. For 14 billion they are very
pissed off, and that our wonderful informational community (the other
billion) becomes the beast. It will be something most of the world will
do without. If we recognize the apocalypse now we can work with the
forces."
Esther Dyson, EDventure Holding, Inc.:
She thinks that cryptography is a defensive weapon. The free-
flow of cryptic information is dangerous to the powerful. She want more
markets and less government. Large concentrations of power makes her
suspicious. Global protected networks will help those in the
minority(disagreeing with Davies). We don't have one global villages but
many. How do we avert tribalism of class?
Roland Homet, Executive Inc.:
Homet was more conciliatory. America has a penchant for ordered
liberty. It uses toleration and restraint to keep forces working
together.
++====================================================================++
Lance Hoffman, of the George Washington University and organizer of the
conference, deserves a great deal of credit for a smooth running yet
exciting three days.
There will be a CFP-3 in the San Francisco area next year. If you find
these issues to be a major force in your professional life, we hope you
will be able to attend next year. Traditionally, there have been
scholarships available, but these depend on donations from individuals
and firms.
End of Report/ Steve Cisler sac@apple.com

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Computer Gaming World (Golden Empire Publications)
June, 1990, Number 72, Page 8
Editorial by Johnny L. Wilson
It CAN Happen Here
Although Nobel Prize-winning novelist Sinclair Lewis is probably best known
for 'Main Street', 'Babbitt', 'Elmer Gantry', and 'Arrowsmith', my personal
favorites are 'It Can't Happen Here' and 'Kingsblood Royal'. The latter is an
ironic narrative in which who suffers from racial prejudice toward the black
population discovers, through genealogical research, that he himself has black
ancestors. The protagonist experienced a life-challenging discovery that
enabled Lewis to preach a gospel of civil rights to his readership.
The former is, perhaps, Lewis' most lengthy novel and it tells how a radio
evangelist was able to use the issues of morality and national security to form
a national mandate and create a fascist dictatorship in the United States. As
Lewis showed how patriotic symbolism could be distorted by power-hungry elite
and religious fervor channeled into a political movement, I was personally
shaken. As a highschool student, reading this novel, for the first time, I
suddenly realized what lewis intended for his readers to realize. "It" (a
dictatorship) really CAN happen here, There is an infinitesimally fine line
between protecting the interests of society and encumbering the freedoms of the
self-same society in the name of protection.
Now it appears that the civil liberties of game designers and gamers
themselves are to be assaulted in the name of protecting society. In recent
months two unrelated events have taken place which must make us pause: the
raiding of Steve Jackson Games' offices by the United States Secret Service,
and the introduction of A.B. 3280 into the California State Assembly by
Assemblyperson Tanner.
On March 1, 1990, Steve Jackson Games (a small pen and paper game company)
was raided by agents of the United States Secret Service. The raid was
allegedly part of an investigation into data piracy and was, apparently,
related to the latest supplement from SJG entitled, GURPS Cyberpunk (GURPS
stands for Generic Universal Role-Playing System). GURPS Cyberpunk features
rules for a game universe analogous to the dark futures of George Alec Effinger
('When Gravity Fails'), William Gibson ('Neuromancer'), Norman Spinrad ('Little
Heroes'), Bruce Sterling ('Islands in the Net'), and Walter Jon Williams
('Hardwired').
GURPS Cyberpunk features character related to breaking into networks and
phreaking (abusing the telephone system).Hence, certain federal agents are
reported to have made several disparaging remarks about the game rules being a
"handbook for computer crime". In the course of the raid (reported to have
been conducted under the authority of an unsigned photocopy of a warrant; at
least, such was the only warrant showed to the employees at SJG) significant
destruction allegedly occurred. A footlocker, as well as exterior storage
units and cartons, were deliberately forced open even though an employee with
appropriate keys was present and available to lend assistance. In addition,
the materials confiscated included: two computers, an HP Laserjet II printer, a
variety of computer cards and parts, and an assortment of commercial software.
In all, SJG estimates that approximately $10,000 worth of computer hardware and
software was confiscated.
The amorphous nature of the raid is what is most frightening to me. Does
this raid indicate that those who operate bulletin board systems as individuals
are at risk for similar raids if someone posts "hacking" information on their
computer? Or does it indicate that games which involve "hacking" are subject
to searches and seizures by the federal government? Does it indicate that
writing about "hacking" exposes one to the risk of a raid? It seems that this
raid goes over the line of protecting society and has, instead, violated the
freedom of its citizenry. Further facts may indicate that this is not the
case, but the first impression strongly indicates an abuse of freedom.
Then there is the case of California's A.B 3280 which would forbid the
depiction of any alcohol or tobacco package or container in any video game
intended primarily for use by minors. The bill makes no distinction between
positive or negative depiction of alcohol or tobacco, does not specify what
"primarily designed for" means, and defines 'video game' in such a way that
coin-ops, dedicated game machines, and computer games can all fit within the
category.
Now the law is, admittedly, intended to help curb the use and abuse of
alcohol and tobacco among minors. Yet the broad stroke of the brush with which
it is written limits the dramatic license which can be used to make even
desirable points in computer games. For example, Chris Crawford's 'Balance of
the Planet' depicts a liquor bottle on a trash heap as part of a screen talking
about the garbage problem. Does this encourage alcohol abuse? In 'Wasteland',
one of the encounters involves two winos in an alley. Does their use of
homemade white lightening commend it to any minors that might be playing the
game?
One of the problems with legislating art is that art is designed to both
reflect and cast new light and new perspectives on life. As such, depiction of
any aspect of life may be appropriate, in context. Unfortunately for those who
want to use the law as a means of enforcing morality, laws cannot be written to
cover every context.
We urge our California readers to oppose A.B. 3280 and help defend our basic
freedoms. We urge all of our readers to be on the alert for any governmental
intervention that threatens our freedom of expression. "It" not only CAN
happen here, but "it" is very likely to if we are not careful.

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<20> CHAOS AND SOCIAL ENGINEERING <20>
<20> <20>
<20> by <20>
<20> Mack Tanner <20>
<20><><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD>ͼ
"Law of the Perversity of Nature: You cannot successfully
determine beforehand which side of the bread to butter."
--Anonymous
Most of you have probably heard the story about the
clever young man who offers to go to work for a businessman
on a try-out basis in which the young man will be paid only
one cent on the first day, two cents for the second day, four
cent on the third day, and so on, the salary doubling each
day until the businessman decides whether or not he wants to
hire the young man on a permanent basis.
Thinking he's getting a good deal, the businessman takes
on the kid and a month slips by before the businessman
decides he won't keep the young man on. When the young man
presents the bill for his wages for thirty days, the
businessman discovers it's cheaper to sign over the company
than paying the wages.
The businessman has just learned the truth of compound
interest. By doubling a single cent thirty times, you end up
with $5,368,709.12 on the last doubling. The business man
owes the young man over 10 million dollars for the thirty
days of work.
While this common mathematical principle has long been
understood, it's only been in recent years that scientists
have examined and explored what impact compounding small sums
can have on what are called chaotic systems.
A chaotic system is any dynamic physical, biological, or
mathematical system in which a complicated set of data
interact in non-linear and non-repetitive way. (Anyone
interested in a more technical explanation of chaos theory
should check out a library book on the subject.)
Until recently, the philosophy of determinism was the
basis for much of scientific thought and direction. The
concept was that if we only knew the equations and had the
precise data, the future could be predicted. This concept is
best summarized in Laplace's famous statement:
"An intellect which at any given moment knew all the
forces that animate Nature and the mutual positions of
the beings that comprise it, if this intellect were vast
enough to submit its data to analysis, could condense
into a single formula the movement of the greatest
bodies of the universe and that of the lightest atom:
for such an intellect nothing could be uncertain; and
the future just like the past would be present before
its eyes." Pierre Simon de Laplace, 1749-1827
Chaos theory now shows how naive and ridiculous this
statement is. What scientists have come to understand in
only the last few years is that in all chaotic systems, very
small variations in input data can have a profound impact on
the future development of the system. The more the variables
at the initiation of the system, the greater the difficulty
in predicting what impact tiny increases or decrease in a
single variable will have on the progress of the system. In
a perverse sort of way, the longer term the prediction
attempted, the greater and more accurate the amount of
initial data that is required to make the prediction. As the
thousands, or millions of different variables act upon each
other, no human, nor human manufactured computing machine can
predict what the smallest change to any single variable will
do to the future of the system.
The most commonly cited example of a chaotic system is
the weather. Other chaotic systems include hydraulic
turbulence, biological species interaction, epidemiology, and
all human societies and economies.
Understanding chaos theory explains why scientists have
such a difficult time predicting the weather more than
twenty-four hour in advance and why they now realize that
they will never be able to make trustworthy long-term weather
predictions. It is simply impossible to collect the in-put
data in the quantity and with the degree of accuracy
necessary to make a credible long term prediction. (Of
course, the government will never admit this is good reason
to stop spending billions trying to do so!)
Understanding chaos theory also explains why it will be
impossible for humans to ever control the weather to produce
a desired result with no danger of unexpected and undesirable
results. Cloud seeding may make it rain over a dry Iowa corn
field, but the impact of that intervention might result in an
hurricane destroying a coastal city in Florida six months, or
six years in the future.
Given the complexity of the non-linear equations in
describing weather patterns, no scientist will ever be able
to prove that it was the cloud seeding that caused the
hurricane, nor, for that matter, that the cloud seeding
didn't contribute to the hurricane's development.
Humans can impact on or redirect a chaotic system, but
we can not prove or disprove exactly how the human
intervention impacted on the system over the long term. We
will know we changed the system, but we can never know how we
changed the system, nor what the system would have done if we
had changed nothing.
All human societies and all human economic systems are
chaotic systems. They develop and progress as a result of an
incredible amount of input in which any single individual may
do something that will have an unexpected and unpredictable
multiplier impact on how the system will operate at some
future point in time.
Chaos theory explains why social engineering can never
produce the expected result and why such schemes will always
produce unintended results. Chaos theory also explains why
neither the social engineers nor the critics of social
engineering can ever prove what real impact an attempt at
social engineering actually had on the economy and the
society.
We have been listening to a lot of political debate
about what caused the riots in Los Angeles. The
conservatives blame the deteriorating situation of the city
on social programs of the Great Society, welfare dependency,
government regulation, minimum wages laws, high taxes, and
moral decline while the liberals blame the failure of the
government to spend enough money, racism, police brutality,
illegal immigration, and the entire American corporate
cultural.
The entire debate is total bullshit!
There is absolutely no way anyone can scientifically
establish what things might have been done differently that
could have prevented the deterioration of our cities into the
current social morass. Furthermore, there is no way anyone
can scientifically demonstrate what new proposals for social
engineering will produce intended and only intended future
results.
The entire political debate over the domestic agenda
that goes on in connection with the current presidential
election is also total bullshit!
Nobody can explain scientifically exactly what caused
the recent recession nor place with any scientific certainty
the blame on any set of government actions. And nobody can
predict what impact all of the different proposed economic
solutions will actually have on the future world economic
situation.
Yet every politician is demanding that we spend a
trillion dollars on programs that they can't demonstrate will
work and they won't ever to be able to prove that they did
work once they are in place.
The national economy and its interrelation with the
world economy is a chaotic system even more complex,
unpredictable, and unmanageable than the world weather and
climate patterns. Any politician who claims he can control
it for the benefit of everyone without damaging large groups
of other people is either a fool, or a crook, or more likely
both.
The government can do lots of things that will have
short term impact on the economy. Political leaders can
lower interest rates, shift investment opportunities,
legislate prices, regulate exchanges, and all those things
will alter the economic future of the economy. But chaos
theory explains why we can not predict what the long term
result of such action will be and why the unintended results
may well be much more disastrous than the original problem
could have ever become if left alone and free of government
intervention.
All of this is scientific fact that can be described by
observation of prior events, the examination of mathematical
formulas and demonstrated with computer modeling.
But don't expect any political candidate, office holder,
member of congress, bureaucrat, or scientist working on a fat
government contract to admit the truth of this. For them to
do so would be for them to admit that the American federal
budget is being wasted on social engineering projects with no
guarantees that they will work or that they won't produce
disasters.
Chaos theory not only explains why economic central
planning can't work, it also explains why government
bureaucracy grows so fast.
Because political leaders and the bureaucrats refuse to
recognize that what they are trying to do can't be done, they
work under the delusion that they only thing preventing
ultimate success is more and better data. They excuse their
repeated failures by insisting they didn't have enough data,
*which is right*, but they refuse to understand that no
matter how much data they collect, it will never be enough to
allow them to predict and control what the economy is going
to do.
Instead, they collect and quantify increasingly greater
amounts of data as the cost escalates much like the salary of
the boy who stated out at a penny for the first day's work.
The more information they collect, the more difficult the
task of correlating, interpreting, and analyzing the
information they have. They hire ever larger numbers of
people who can be put to the task of collecting and handling
the information.
When things go wrong, the excuse is always a failure in
intelligence and the proposed solution is to hire more people
and gather more raw data. The more things go wrong, the more
money they spend trying to fix it. A fascinating conclusion
of chaos theory is that you cannot predict the result of the
fix, even if you try to put everything back exactly like it
was! When we used DDT to kill the bugs and found out that it
did more harm than good - in unexpected ways - the decision
to quit using DDT may have resulted in greater damage than
would have been the result of continuing its use.
But if the government can't control the economy for the
benefit of all, what is the government doing?
Our politician leaders and the bureaucrats they hire
play exactly the same role in the modern secular state that
pagan priests and shamans played in ancient civilizations.
Except, where ancient pagan priests and shamans promised to
magically control the weather, stop the earthquakes, and
curse the enemy with disease and pestilence, these modern
wizards and magicians promise us that everyone will have a
good job, decent medical care, and a useful education while
avoiding drugs, unwanted pregnancies, and crime in the
streets.
Fortunately for us all, the weather generally does treat
human populations pretty well, and despite the bungled
attempts of government interference, millions of free people,
all looking out for their own selfish interest, usually
succeed in creating a chaotic, but healthy economy that
provides most of us with all the good things of life and a
few of us the chance to get rich.
Like their ancient counterparts always claimed credit
for spring rains, sunny weather, and good harvests, the
modern political wizards and magicians claim credit for the
successful economy and insist that the taxpayers contribute
even more money to guarantee continued success in the future.
They are taking credit for things they didn't do and charging
us high prices for not doing it.
The amount they take for themselves and for those whom
they decide to bless with entitlement programs continues to
grow. Most of us are working five full months a year for the
sole purpose of feeding our monstrous and useless government
beast. And still the wizards are telling us they need more
money.
They will keep demanding more money for as long as the
taxpayer will pay it. The debt will grow like the wages owed
the clever young man until it reaches the point where the
whole government system will collapse under the weight of
it's own debt.
But don't worry. Just like the good weather stuck
around for long after humans gave up on paying pagan priests
to guarantee good harvests, the basic economy, the sum total
of all human interactions and economic exchanges, will still
be around long after the collapse of big government.
+-----------------------------------------------------------------+
| THE CHAOS ADVOCATE is copyrighted by Mack Tanner. You |
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| to determine whether or not you would like to read the entire |
| work. If you decide to read the entire magazine, or if you |
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| for your own personal use or review for more than two days |
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+-----------------------------------------------------------------+

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THE CHARLOTTE TOWN RESOLVES:
RESOLVES ADOPTED IN CHARLOTTE TOWN,
MECKLENBURG COUNTY, NORTH CAROLINA,
MAY 31, 1775
Charlotte Town, Mecklenburg County, May 31.
This Day the Committee met, and passed the following
RESOLVES:
Whereas by an Address presented to his Majesty by both
Houses of Parliament in February last, the American Colonies
are declared to be in a State of actual Rebelion, we conceive
that all Laws and Commissions confirmed by, or derived from the
Authority of the King or Parliament, are annulled and vacated,
and the former civil Constitution of these Colinies for the
present wholly suspended. To provide in some Degree for the
Exigencies of the County in the present alarming Period, we
deem it proper and necessary to pass the following Resolves,
viz.
1. That all Commissions, civil and military, heretofore
granted by the Crown, to be exercised in these Colonies, are
null and void, and the Constitution of each particular Colony
wholly suspended.
2. That the Provincial Congress of each Province, under
the Direction of the Great Continental Congress, is invested
with all legislative and executive Powers within their
respective Provinces; and that no other Legislative or
Executive does or can exist, at this time, in any of these
Colonies.
3. As all former Laws are now suspended in this Province,
and the Congress have not yet provided others, we judge it
necessary, for the better Preservation of good Order, to form
certain Rules and Regulations for the internal Government of
this County, until Laws shall be provided for us by the
Congress.
4. That the Inhabitants of this County do meet on a
certain Day appointed by this Committee, and having formed
themselves into nine Companies, to wit, eight for the County,
and one for the Town of Charlotte, do choose a Colonel and
other military Officers, who shall hold and exercise their
several Powers by Virtue of this Choice, and independent of
Great-Britain, and former Constitution of this Province.
5. That for the better Preservation of the Peace, and
Administration of Justice, each of these Companies do choose
from their own Body two discreet Freeholders, who shall be
impowered each by himself, and singly, to decide and determine
all Matters of Controversy arising within the said Company
under the Sum of Twenty Shillings, and jointly and together all
Controversies under the Sum of Forty Shillings, yet so as their
Decisions may admit of Appeals to the Convention of the Select
Men of the whole County; and also, that any one of these shall
have Power to examine, and commit to Confinement, Persons
accused of Petit Larceny.
6. That those two Select Men, thus chosen, do, jointly
and together, choose from the Body of their particular Company
two Persons, properly qualified to serve as Constables, who may
assist them in the Execution of their Office.
7. That upon the Complaint of any Person to either of
these Select Men, he do issue his Warrant, directed to the
Constable, commanding him to bring the Aggressor before him or
them to answer the said Complaint.
8. That these eighteen Select Men, thus appointed, do
meet every third Tuesday in January, April, July, and October,
at the Court-House, in Charlotte, to hear and determine all
Matters of Controversy for Sums exceeding Forty Shillings;
also Appeals: And in Cases of Felony, to commit the Person or
Persons convicted thereof to close Confinement, until the
Provincial Congress shall provide and establish Laws and Modes
of Proceeding in all such Cases.
9. That these Eighteen Select Men, thus convened, do
choose a Clerk to record the Transactions of said Convention;
and that the said Clerk, upon the Application of any Person or
Persons aggrieved, do issue his Warrant to one of the
Constables, to summon and warn said Offender to appear before
the Convention at their next sittinbg, to answer the aforesaid
Complaint.
10. That any Person making Complaint upon Oath to the
Clerk, or any Member of the Convention, that he has Reason to
suspect that any Person or Persons indebted to him in a Sum
above Forty Shillings, do intend clandestinely to withdraw from
the County without paying such Debt; the Clerk, or such Member,
shall issue his Warrant to the Constable, commanding him to
take the said Person or Persons into safe Custody, until the
next sitting of the Convention.
11. That when a Debtor for a Sum below Forty Shillings
shall abscond and leave the County, the Warrant granted as
aforesaid shall extend to any Goods or Chattels of the said
Debtor as may be found, and such Goods or Chattels be seized
and held in Custody by the Constable for the Space of Thirty
Days; in which Term if the Debtor fails to return and discharge
the Debt, the Constable shall return the Warrant to one of the
Select Men of the Company where the Goods and Chattels are
found, who shall issue Orders to the Constable to sell such a
Part of the said Goods as shall amount to the Sum due; that
when the Debt exceeds Forty Shillings, the Return shall be made
to the Convention, who shall issue the Orders for Sale.
12. That all Receivers and Collectors of Quitrents, Public
and County Taxes, do pay the same into the Hands of the
Chairman of this Committee, to be by them disbursed as the
public Exigencies may require. And that such Receivers and
Collectors proceed no farther in their Office until they be
approved of by, and have given to this Committee good and
sufficient Security for a faithful Return of such Monies when
collected.
13. That the Committee be accountable to the County for
the Application of all Monies received from such public
Officers.
14. That all these Officers hold their Commissions during
the Pleasure of their respective Constituents.
15. That this Commission will sustain all Damages that may
ever hereafter accrue to all or any of these Officers thus
appointed, and thus acting, on Account of their Obedience and
Conformity to these Resolves.
16. That whatever Person shall hereafter receive a
Commission from the Crown, or attempt to exercise any such
Commission heretofore received, shall be deemed an Enemy to
his Country; and upon Information being made to the Captain of
the Company where he resides, the said Captain shall cause him
to be apprehended, and conveyed before the two Select Men of
the said Company, who, upon Proof of the Fact, shall commit him
the said Offender, into safe Custody, until the next setting of
the Convention, who shall deal with him as Prudence may direct.
17. That any Person refusing to yield Obedience to the
above Resolves shall be deemed equally criminal, and liable to
the same Punishments as the Offenders above last mentioned.
18. That these Resolves be in full Force and Virtue, until
Instructions from the General Congress of this Province,
regulating the Jurisprudence of this Province, shall provide
otherwise, or the legislative Body of Great-Britain resign its
unjust and arbitrary Pretentions with Respect to America.
19. That the several Militia Companies in this county do
provide themselves with proper Arms and Accoutrements, and hold
themselves in Readiness to execute the commands and Directions
of the Provincial Congress, and of this committee.
20. That this committee do appoint Colonel Thomas Polk, and
Doctor Joseph Kennedy, to purchase 300 lb. of Powder, 600 lb.
of Lead, and 1000 Flints, and deposit the same in some safe
Place, hereafter to be appointed by the committee.
Signed by Order of the Commitee.
EPH. BREVARD, Clerk of the Committee
------------------------------------
Prepared by Gerald Murphy (The Cleveland Free-Net - aa300)
Distributed by the Cybercasting Services Division of the
National Public Telecomputing Network (NPTN).
Permission is hereby granted to download, reprint, and/or otherwise
redistribute this file, provided appropriate point of origin
credit is given to the preparer(s) and the National Public
Telecomputing Network.
V<EFBFBD><EFBFBD>R<EFBFBD><EFBFBD>T


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GW> Ain't sayin' which side I'm on here, but relax a bit -- I noticed the
GW> phrase "anti-choice" enter the pro-choicers' vocabulary about the same
GW> time I first heard the term "pro-abortion" used by pro-lifers. The
GW> chicken or the egg, it doesn't matter, but in a battle for public
GW> sentiment, neither side will give up its code words unless the other
GW> one does first -- sounds like a stand-off to me.
CHOICESPEAK:
THE LANGUAGE TO ABORT THE CONSCIENCE
From where Winston stood, it was just possible to read, picked
out on its face in elegant lettering, the three slogans of the
party:
WAR IS PEACE
FREEDOM IS SLAVERY
IGNORANCE IS STRENGTH
1984, by George Orwell
Language has always been used for deceitful and misleading
purposes. Misrepresentations, distortions and outright lying
have been employed for ulterior motives throughout all of
recorded history. And, as man has "progressed," his abuse of
language has reached new levels of sophistication and
treachery.
The abuse of language for devious purposes has been given
several definitions over time. The term "doublespeak" (or
"doubletalk") refers to language which APPEARS to be
meaningful, but is actually a mixture of sense and nonsense.
George Orwell, in his famous novel *1984*, coined the word
"Newspeak," denoting a propagandistic language marked by
ambiguity and contradictions. Its stated purpose: to
"diminish the range of thought."
Never has language-for-propaganda been more cleverly or
effectively used, however, than by our contemporary
pro-abortionists. To as great an extent as possible, abortion
advocates have conceptualized and debated abortion without
mention of, or attention to, the act itself. For the last
twenty years, they have strived to redefine child-killing as a
"choice." Sadly, their endeavor has met with great success.
One commonly hears, for instance: "Whose CHOICE is it, who
decides?" "This fight is for reproductive CHOICE."
"Pro-lifers are the anti-CHOICE minority." "Pro-CHOICE is not
pro-abortion." "The issue is not abortion, the issue is
CHOICE." And even in the "neutral" media: "Anti-abortion
demonstrators squared off with pro-CHOICE activists."
Given the spread, like so many cancer cells, of such
pro-abortion euphemisms throughout our language, it is clear
that a new term is necessary to definitively characterize the
pro-abortionists' misleading use of words for propaganda
purposes. The term I propose to serve this purpose is
"Choicespeak," which I define as "propagandistic language
marked by ambiguity and contradictions DESIGNED TO INCREASE
ACCEPTANCE OF THE ANTI-LIFE MENTALITY."
Specific examples of Choicespeak are not at all hard to find.
A preborn baby becomes, via Choicespeak, the "product of
conception." The scientific fact that a human being's
biological life begins at fertilization (conception) becomes,
via Choicespeak, a "religious view." The killing of a CHILD
becomes, via Choicespeak, the "termination of a PREGNANCY."
(In terms of intent and effect, abortion and childbirth should
be contrasted as follows: CHILDBIRTH is the termination of a
PREGNANCY; ABORTION is the "termination" of a CHILD.) And,
last but not least, abortion --- the killing of an innocent
preborn baby --- becomes, via Choicespeak, a valid "choice"
that a woman may consider.
Words can be used as weapons so long as there is a target. In
abortion, the targets are easy prey. Simply put, the abortion
industry has wielded its powerfully deceptive words against
vulnerable mothers and the innocent children within their
wombs. Women are exploited; their babies destroyed; men are
alienated. And the family, the very foundation of society, is
assaulted at its core.
Therefore, the Choicespeaking zealots must be exposed; their
NON-truths must be replaced by THE truth. To do this, one
must be alert when exposed to pro-abortion rhetoric and
anti-life logic. Probe beyond the surface and ascertain the
underlying principles; uncover the real meaning behind the
alluring message. Otherwise, the abortion seducing "Big
Brother" may very well distort YOUR perception and diminish
YOUR "range of thought," increasing your acceptance of and
tolerance for abortion -- a truly unthinkable crime.
Woe to those who call evil good,
and good evil,
who change the darkness into light,
and light into darkness,
who change bitter into sweet,
and sweet into bitter! (Isaiah 5:20)
---------------------------------------------------------------
documentation provided by SCMIS
David on the Beach in Arizona
... To let live is to live yourself!
--- Blue Wave/TG v2.00 [NR]
* Origin: The Arizona Badlands BBS Casa Grande AZ 6028368336 (85:823/126.0)

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Via Greenlink II
=================================================================
GREENPEACE WORLD PARK BASE
ANTARCTIC DIARY 23
Jan 11,1990
Our Resupply ship the MV Gondwana has left Auckland, New Zealand
on the second leg of this years campaign to have this vast frozen
continent protected as a World Park. This last twelve months
living at Cape Evans has been a remarkable time for me both
personally and as a small part of the world wide movement for
environmental protection. When we left New Zealand on 22nd
December 1988 the challenge was to highlight Antarctica's place
in the mind's of people all around the world. From the many
contacts we have had from many countries and from hearing about
the growing influence of the Green political movement I feel sure
that we humans are collectively changing our awareness of the
natural world and in particular Antarctica's place in natural
order of things.
It has long been a fear that oil exploration and exploitation was
the biggest and most imminent danger that the natural world faced
in Antarctica. 1989 seems to have been a year full of examples
of the damage that can be done in the polar regions when fuel
spills occur. In our own backyard we saw for ourselves that
where large quantities of fuel are handled the possiblities for
large spills seems to be almost inevitable. The US McMurdo
Station, 25Km to the south has had a series of large fuel spills
in the last eighteen months ( Over 450 000 Litres or nearly 118
000 US Gals ) and none of these spills have been cleaned up to
date. While we were investigating the environmental impact of
one of these spills in early October we uncovered yet another
fuel spill which was later admitted to be in fact a number of
spills going back as far as 1983 and no records exist of these
periodic spills. This spill site was only 150 Metres from New
Zealand's Scott Base and was on an area of foreshore sea-ice that
thaws each summer thus releasing the contaminating fuel directly
into the sea.
Both New Zealand and the US are major sponsors of the Minerals
Convention which is an agreement among the Antarctic Treaty
signatory nations. This Convention which is also know around the
world as the Wellington Convention, after the capital city of New
Zealand was negotiated behind closed doors, sets out the
conditions under which minerals can be extracted from Antarctica.
There are a growing number of governments, now responding to
public opinion at home opposing the ratification of this Minerals
Convention. Australia, France, Italy and Belgium have rejected
the convention and along with a number of other countries are
actively pushing for a comprehensive Envronmental Protection
agreement for Antarctica in the form of a Wilderness Reserve.
Oil hungry nations and their supporters remain in favour of this
Miners Convention stating that they wish to keep their options
open for future oil exploration of Antarctica while reluctantly
pursuing the more sensible path of energy conservation and the
development of alternative energy systems.
Well, in my last diary written at World Park Base I found myself
with the treat of oil-exploration in my mind and I haven't
written about the Polar summer that is blazing around me. I
suspect that there are two factors involved in my preoccupation.
The news of the rusting hulk of the Kharg 5 tanker spilling its
contents uncontrollably into the Atlantic off the Morroccan coast
has brought back to me the 1989 events... the Bahia Paraiso -
Anvers Isand Antarctica, the Exxon Valdez - Prince Philips Sound
Alaska, the US South Pole Station, the US airfield McMurdo Sound
Antarctica... all sites of environmental disasters in Polar
regions. The other factor is that as a New Zealander I am
saddened by the fact that my government remains a major sponsor
of a Miners Convention for Antarctica.
Outside my window the sea-ice is in full-melt and the stretches
of open water are growing before our eyes. In the Cape Evans
area more than twenty Weddell Seals are basking ashore and the
Skua chicks are growing. The amazing thaw that we have
experienced this year continues to feed the thousands of little
streams and dozens of miniature lakes that dot the area. We have
had about two week of settled weather, ideal for preparing the
base for the arrival of our resupply ship and our many old
friends.
My kindest regards to all our supporters and friends as my time
here at World Park base comes rapidly to and end.
Phil Doherty.

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"GIVING THE LIE TO THE CHRISTIAN RIGHTWING"
Howdy, gang! It's time for another radical-subversive, smutty,
leftwing upload from that old electronic anarchist, Sax Allen, coming to you
very much alive from Free San Francisco!
In recent weeks, the Reagan/Nixon stacked Supreme Court has
abandoned law and precedent in favor of extreme rightwing ideology and the
Heritage Foundation agenda. They've begun dismantling the progressive changes
for which we all fought so hard and long. They're sabotaging and undermining
important gains in civil rights, abortion, search and seizure, privacy and
separation of church and state.
Because these rightwing noodle heads are so fond of making up
their own "factoids" and because they're currently pumping out a bunch of
malarkey about America supposedly being a "Christian" nation, and because as
proof of this they're making up religious lies about some of our most
intelligent presidents...for all these reasons I thought you'd enjoy hearing a
few hot words from our founding fathers themselves. Note in particular what
George Washington says!
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
The American Revolution of 1776 was to a large degree led by men
steeped in the rational humanism of the Enlightenment who considered all
established religion a form of barbaric superstition. Thus their insistence on
the separation of church and state, which was universally regarded as the MOST
RADICAL aspect of the American Revolution.
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
THOMAS JEFFERSON:
"Millions of innocent men, women and children, since the
introduction of Christianity, have been burnt, tortured, fined, imprisoned:
yet we have not advanced one inch towards uniformity. What has been the effect
of coercion? To make one half the world fools, and the other half hypocrites.
To suport roguery and error all over the earth."
-- "Notes on the State of Virginia" (1781-82)
"...the priests indeed have heretofore thought proper to ascribe
to me religious, or rather anti-religious sentiments, of their own fabric, but
such as soothed their resentments against the act of Virginia for establishing
religious freedom. They wished him to be thought atheist, deist, or devil, who
could advocate freedom from their religious dictations. But I have ever
thought religion a concern purely between our God and our consciences, for
which we were accountable to him, and not to the priests."
-- Letter to Mrs. Harrison Smith (6 August 1816)
JOHN ADAMS:
"Eight millions of Jews hope for a Messiah more powerful and
glorious than Moses, David, or Solomon; who is to make them as powerful as he
pleases. Some hundreds of millions of Mussulmans [Moslems] expect another
prophet more powerful than Mahomet [Mohammed], who is to spread Islamism over
the whole earth. Hundreds of millions of Christians expect and hope for a
millennium in which Jesus is to reign for a thousand years over the whole world
before it is burnt up. The Hindoos [Hindus] expect another and final
incarnation of Vishnu, who is to do great and wonderful things, I know not
what. All these hopes are founded on real or pretended revelation....
You and I hope for splendid improvements in human society, and
vast amelioration in the condition of mankind. Our faith may be supposed by
more rational arguments than any of the former."
-- Letter to Thomas Jefferson (24 September 1821)
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
"The Bible is not my book, nor Christianity my profession."
-- Abraham Lincoln
"The government of the United States is in no sense founded on
the Christian religion."
-- George Washington
"Religion is excellent stuff for keeping common people quiet."
-- Napoleon
"When a man is freed of religion, he has a better chance to live
a normal and wholesome life."
-- Sigmund Freud
, he has a better chance to live
a
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@@ -0,0 +1,314 @@
CHURCH AND STATE
The school all recited in unison ". . .that one Nation,
indivisible, under God, shall not perish from this Earth."
"Now, let's give thanks to the Father for all the
blessings we have received in the pursuit of our studies.
Mr. Jones, will you lead us in the prayer?"
Mr. Jack Jones, the minister of our local Methodist
Church gives a short but inspiring prayer. The entire class
of students respond with a sincere 'Amen'.
They hold the opening ceremony each day in the audi-
torium. Following the prayer, the entire school sings a
song from the hymnal. They are accompanied by the church
organist. No student has ever complained that they didn't
enjoy these morning sessions. Students are excused and go
to their respective classrooms.
The school, sponsored by our church, gains its support
from members of the church who have children attending the
school. Parents became disenchanted with our public school
system. They finally agreed they should have input in
determining the teaching of their children.
In the lower grade public schools, rowdiness had become
an accepted fact of school life. The teachers had simply
lost control over the students. It had become obvious that
teaching was to accommodate slower students. Other students
with more and faster learning abilities were held back.
They were becoming bored and restive.
In junior and senior high schools, the same problems
existed and drug use is becoming evident. Physical violence
is becoming an everyday occurrence. These problems were all
on the minds of parents when they decided to form a school
under the sponsorship of the church. Throughout the history
of this country, churches were in the forefront of educa-
tion. Some of the oldest colleges in the east were started
in the same manner.
In his study and interpretation of the history of
education in the United States, Elwood P. Cubberly (1868-
1941) demonstrated that in the United States the school
arose everywhere as a child of the church. James F.
Messenger (b. 1872), in his study of the history of
education, points out at time of the framing of the
Constitution of the United States, in 1787, education was
regarded as a matter of church control. (Encyclopedia
Americana)
Back to our school. Several parents had been teachers
in the past and they were hired for the new school. The man
hired as principal also coordinated the lesson plans for all
the classes. The student body had grown to 45 in the past
year alone.
Scholastically, our students scored appreciably higher
than students of the same grades in public schools of our
city. The students were proud of their achievements. The
teachers were proud of their students as were the parents.

Our school was gaining a reputation for good, solid educa-
tion. No frills, no pampering, no nonsense.
That our students scored much higher than students in
the public system obviously upset local and state education
authorities. Efforts were started to close the school.
First attack was on the teachers . . . they were not state
accredited.
The school answered that this was a private school and
of no concern to educational authorities. Nevertheless, it
was apparent these people had become concerned. Our
students were learning to become God-fearing, questioning
and upright citizens. They were not robots as were being
churned out in the state run system.
State authorities were not so easily dissuaded and
filed suit in a local court to have the school closed. Our
minister and principal ignored the court order and the
school continued. For a short while, anyway. The local
sheriff came by the church and school with an order for the
school to close down. However, the minister had received a
call from friends and the doors are locked barring their
entry.
Finally, in a show of police power, they forced their
way into the buildings. They actually arrested the minister
and principal for contempt of court.
What was that? They forced their way into the church
and school to arrest the minister and the principal? Is
this still America? Just where do these knotheads find the
authority to pull such a stunt?
Separation of church and state, is their argument.
Where do they find such a statement? They insist our
Constitution guarantees separation of church and state.
Religion belongs to the church and education is a state
function.
Cow paddies! Our Constitution says NO such thing.
These are words of demented idiots. These people are
parroting words which were taken completely out of their
context. This statement is attributed to Thomas Jefferson
and used by bleeding hearts out of it's intent and meaning
for many years.
Let's take a look at what our Constitution has to say
about church and state.
The First Amendment is part of our Bill of Rights.
This specifically prohibits the government from interfering
in special areas such as religion, press, free speech, etc.
The introductory statement or preamble to the Bill of
Rights makes the intent crystal clear . . .
"THE Convention of a number of the States, having
at the time of their adopting the Constitution,
expressed a desire, in order to prevent mis-
construction or abuse of its powers, that further
declaratory and restrictive clauses should be
added: And as extending the ground of public

confidence in the Government, will best ensure the
beneficent ends of its institution:" (Also from
Documents Illustrative of the Formation of the
Union)
Not any question about the intent of the First Congress
when it submitted the first twelve amendments to the states
for their approval, is there? Further restraining and
confining clauses to prevent the misunderstanding or abuse
of its powers. This was the high fence around the powers.
They also confined the misuse of those powers by the federal
government.
Back to the First Amendment . . . separation of church
and state? Not a chance. Here is what it has to say about
our RIGHT to religious freedom, opening and operating
schools, etc:
"Congress shall make no law respecting an es-
tablishment of religion, or prohibiting the free
exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of
speech, or of the press; or the right of the
people peaceably to assemble, and to petition the
Government for a redress of grievances."
Can you read anything in there which allows them to
close a school or arrest a minister or principal? Of course
not. They would prefer you didn't know what our rights are
so they say we are guaranteed "separation of church and
state."
We are GUARANTEED the right to establish any religion
and to practice it freely as our hearts and consciences
dictate. Our Founding Fathers were religious and Christian
and believed religion was something between an individual
and his Maker.
In 1789, Congress passed an ordinance which declared
that: Religion, morality, and knowledge, being necessary to
good government and the happiness of mankind, schools and
the means of education should ever be encouraged. (Encyclo-
pedia Americana) Religion most certainly not an issue in
which the government could stick its nose. This is one of
those restrictive clauses to prevent an abuse of power!
Is it possible that those who work for government don't
know what our Constitution says either? It is not only
possible but very definitely true. This even though we have
ordered ALL persons who work for a government entity, at any
level, to take an oath to support the document.
Being men of wisdom, the Founding Fathers specified
that no religious test be a qualification to office. (Art
VI, Sec 3) They were firm believers in religious freedom.
For the sake of illustration, let's say that you and
three or four friends get together. You all decide to
worship Isis or a stone or a jaguar, . . . . the idol is
unimportant. The fact remains our Constitution says you
have that RIGHT! And further you have the right to exercise

your religious belief freely.
Your friends may not agree with you or your belief and
I may not agree with you. Even government may also disagree
with that belief. Yet they cannot interfere with your
doctrine or the free exercise thereof. First Amendment
guarantees that. There are no changes further on in our
Constitution to say they can obstruct your belief. This is
why they want you to believe there is a guarantee of
separation of church and state.
Going back to our opening illustration, the right to
establish and practice a religious belief was violated.
Also the right to freedom of speech and of the people to
peacefully assemble. All First Amendment guarantees.
How do they get away with it? Because they feel power
and might makes right! And we are fast becoming illiterate
and ignorant concerning our Constitution. At the same time
we are becoming a nation of wimps. It's becoming apparent
as we look around there are no real men anymore. No one has
enough starch in their backbones to tell these people enough
is enough. What has happened to the "land of the free and
the home of the brave?"
These people are seizing and assuming powers which we
did not grant to government at any level. Can you imagine
this happening in this country let's say 200 or even 100
years ago? People would have been up in arms. And rightly
so.
A quote from an encyclopedia might shed some light on
what our government has in mind for the United States . . .
"In Russia, education is a state monopoly. No
religious schools (apart from a few seminaries for the
special purpose of training priests) or private schools of
any kind are permitted to exist. (And we've seen what is
going on there. They have people who don't know how to wind
a watch.)
Teaching in the schools must emphasize scientific
materialism and exclude any consideration of the super-
natural." (Encyclopedia Americana) God is a no-no!
If you have a chance to see the original or true copy
of our Constitution, you will see WE THE PEOPLE on the first
line of the Preamble. We agreed to and established the
Constitution giving permission and authority for our
government.
This is a fixed and immutable document changeable only
by the ones who gave the authority for government . . . WE
THE PEOPLE. (Art V) There is nothing in the document which
gives the right to anyone in government to enlarge their
sphere of power or authority.
By our permission, they were given authority and
jurisdiction to govern. When they exceed granted powers,
they are breaking the law and violating the trust we imposed
in them. By such an act their jurisdiction ceases. Alex-
ander Hamilton pointed out in the Federalist Papers (No. 78)
that 'No legislative act, therefore, contrary to the Consti-
tution can be valid.' 
Let's take a look at how the federales are observing
this guaranteed right to free exercise of our religious
beliefs. Would it surprise you to hear that they don't
believe we have it?
The Internal Revenue Service, part of the executive
branch, have regulations which have a direct or implied
consent of the Congress. They can decide if a church
doesn't conform to what they term is a conventional
religious belief. By a simple letter they can then say you
are not a church and take away your tax exempt status.
Further restrictive clauses mentioned in the preamble
to the Bill of Rights has a hollow ring. I'll have to admit
it really generates confidence in our government, doesn't
it?
Looking a little further in our Bill of Rights, two
more amendments will make our point. The Ninth and Tenth
are clear to anyone that no power or authority not expressly
granted can be seized. These were included just in case
someone in government decided our Constitution and Bill of
Rights didn't mean what they say. Let's see what they say
and you will understand why governments really wish they
didn't exist.
Article IX
The enumeration in the Constitution, of certain
rights, shall not be construed to deny or
disparage others retained by the people.
Article X
The powers not delegated to the United States
by the Constitution, nor prohibited by it to the
States, are reserved to the States respectively or
to the people.
Not difficult to understand, are they? Then why were
the people arrested or the church and school closed? We
have to reassert ourselves and assume the power of directing
our governments to their intended roles. We have elected
people to Congress who break the law by violating constitu-
tional restrictions and the oath they took to support the
document. Throw them out of office! Drastic? Not at all.
Look at what they are doing to us. Those appointed deserve
to have civil suits filed in federal courts for violation of
our constitutional rights.
Relying on Supreme Court decisions as a guide to filing
suits in court is normally a false hope. First, the Supreme
Court has NO authority under our form of government to make
law. Their decisions are just that . . . decisions . . .
only opinions! The basis for federal suits are the
Constitution and what our Founding Fathers determined and
established for our new government.
Nevertheless, there are many older decisions which do
substantiate our stand. Intensive research will find those.
By staying strictly within constitutional authority, they
have no where to turn to disagree or argue against.

Petitions for Redress of Grievances can be effective.
Send them to all members of Congress together with anyone
else in the bureaucracy with a suggestion of power. This is
First Amendment right. Send any Petitions for Redress of
Grievances via certified mail. It wouldn't be the first
time bureaucrats have 'lost' mail when they haven't had to
sign for it. Phone calls and letters to members of Congress
are a must. Ask questions about assuming powers we did not
confer . . . about the oath they have taken to support the
document etc.
Before someone takes me to task for the statement that
the Founding Fathers were Christians, let me point out the
last page of the Constitution. When the delegates affixed
their signatures before it was sent to the Congress for its
submission to the states we find:
"DONE in Convention, by the Unanimous Consent of
the States present the Seventeenth Day of
September in the Year of Our Lord one thousand
seven hundred and Eighty seven . . . ."
The opening illustration was not hypothetical.
Incidents like this are occurring with frightening regular-
ity. Media reports show there are over 6000 cases now
pending between religious organizations and the federal
government.
To allow these people to destroy our country and form
of government, all good people need to do is nothing! What
will you tell your posterity? How will you justify it? Or
is it simply that you don't want to become involved . . .
let your children or grandchildren worry about it them-
selves?
There is a point where the exercise of their power
stops . . that's when we stand firm and say don't cross this
line.
Young minds are fertile ground. The state wants
control of education to mold these minds to their view.
They WANT robots. Let's deny them the power.
PLEASE SUPPORT SHAREWARE BY REGISTERING WITH THE AUTHOR. 

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***NOTE: EXTRACTED FROM THE ACADEMIC AMERICAN
ENCYCLOPEDIA***
TITLE(s): Central Intelligence Agency
The Central Intelligence Agency of the United States (CIA) is one of
several organizations responsible for gathering and evaluating foreign
intelligence information vital to the security of the United States.
It is also charged with coordinating the work of other agencies in the
intelligence community--including the NATIONAL SECURITY AGENCY and the
Defense Intelligence Agency. It was established by the National Security Act
of 1947, replacing the wartime Office of Strategic Services. Its first
director was Adm. Roscoe Hillenkoetter.
The CIA's specific tasks include: advising the president and the NATIONAL
SECURITY COUNCIL on international developments; conducting research in
political, economic, scientific, technical, military, and other fields;
carrying on counterintelligence activities outside the United States;
monitoring foreign radio and television broadcasts; and engaging in more
direct forms of ESPIONAGE and INTELLIGENCE OPERATIONS.
Throughout its history the CIA has seldom been free from controversy. In
the 1950s, at the height of the cold war and under the direction of Allen
Welsh DULLES, its activities expanded to include many undercover operations.
It subsidized political leaders in other countries; secretly recruited the
services of trade-union, church, and youth leaders, along with
businesspeople, journalists, academics, and even underworld leaders; set up
radio stations and news services; and financed cultural organizations and
journals.
After the failure of the CIA-sponsored BAY OF PIGS INVASION of Cuba in
1961, the agency was reorganized. In the mid-1970s a Senate Select Committee
and a Presidential Commission headed by Nelson Rockefeller investigated
charges of illegal CIA activities. Among other things, they found that the
CIA had tried to assassinate several foreign leaders, including Fidel CASTRO
of Cuba. It had tried to prevent Salvador ALLENDE from winning the 1970
elections in Chile and afterward had worked to topple him from power.
Between 1950 and 1973 the CIA had also carried on extensive mind-control
experiments at universities, prisons, and hospitals. In 1977, President
Jimmy Carter directed that tighter restrictions be placed on CIA clandestine
operations. Controls were later also placed on the use of intrusive
surveillance methods, such as wiretapping and opening of mail, against U.S.
citizens and resident aliens.
Late in the 1970s, however, fears arose that restraints on the CIA had
undermined national security. The agency's failure to foresee the revolution
in Iran (1979) gave new impetus to efforts at revitalization. President
Ronald Reagan and his CIA director, William J. CASEY, loosened many of the
restrictions, but such activities as the mining of Nicaraguan harbors in 1984
as part of the covert campaign in support of the Contra rebels and the
still-unclear role of the CIA in the IRAN-CONTRA AFFAIR focused renewed
public attention on the agency.
Following Casey's death in 1987, Reagan appointed William WEBSTER, then
director of the Federal Bureau of Investigation, to be Director of Central
Intelligence. His reputation for integrity helped to restore the agency's
image, but alleged intelligence failures during the PERSIAN GULF WAR (1991)
tarnished the record of his tenure. He was succeeded in 1991 by Robert M.
GATES.
Bibliography: Ameringer, C. D., Foreign Intelligence: The Secret Side of
American History (1990); Breckinridge, S. A., The CIA and the U. S.
Intelligence System (1986); Colby, William, and Forbath, Peter, Honorable
Men: My Life in the CIA (1978); Jeffreys-Jones, Rhodri, The CIA and
American Democracy (1989); Karalekas, Anne, History of the Central
Intelligence Agency (1977); Leary, W. M., ed., The Central Intelligence
Agency (1984); Lefever, Ernest W., and Godson, Roy, The CIA and the
American Ethic: An Unfinished Debate (1980); McGarvey, Patrick, CIA: The
Myth and the Madness (1972); Marchetti, Victor, and Marks, John D., The CIA
and the Cult of Intelligence (1975); Ranelagh, John, The Agency: The Rise
and Decline of the CIA (1986); Ransom, Harry H., The Intelligence
Establishment (1970); Snepp, Frank, Decent Interval (1977);
Turner, Stansfield, Secrecy and Democracy: The CIA in Transition (1985);
Woodward, Bob, Veil: The Secret Wars of the CIA, 1981-1987 (1988).

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_________________________________________________________________
W I N N I N G B Y C I R C U M N A V I G A T I O N:
Milwaukee's clinic defenders find legal recourse
on a detour around the District Attorney
Copyright 1993, 1994 by Muriel Hogan
_________________________________________________________________
As the Milwaukee Clinic Protection Coalition (MCPC) steeled itself
for a second Wisconsin winter on the street, members celebrated
the anniversary of the permanent injunction signed December 10,
1992 by Circuit Court Judge Jeffrey Wagner. The injunction
limits certain kinds of protest activity outside Milwaukee's
abortion clinics. Clinic escorts and defenders, dreading their
winter vigil, are nonetheless cheered by indications that the
fundamentalist Christian onslaught is diminishing at last.
Once-huge crowds of "Antis" have dwindled to a handful on
weekdays and 20 or 30 on Saturdays. At some clinics, there've
been no protesters at all, a condition the defenders call "NFA."
Away from the clinics, protest leaders can't recruit more that a
few hundred people to come to their public events. By contrast,
LifeChain, an annual pro-life demonstration in Milwaukee,
attracted 8,000 people last fall. The Milwaukee Journal quoted
one LifeChain participant who preferred to express his opinion
"without threatening anyone, without breaking any laws."
* Signs of decline
Programming on the Christian broadcast station WVCY also reflects
the cooldown. At the height of Milwaukee's 1992 summer protests,
WVCY-FM aired two hours a day of live reports and exhortations,
while WVCY-TV showed 30 minutes a night of clinic protest
footage, often followed by an hour-long call-in show on the
subject. In 1993, most abortion-related programs were nostalgic
reruns of the Antis' 1992 glory days.
WVCY's anti-abortion radio show, "Building the Foundations" has
cut back from 30 minutes to 15, inspiring its MCPC listeners to
call it "The Quarter-Hour of Power." Other WVCY shows have
switched to safer topics: school prayer, satanism in popular
music, and the dangers of troll dolls. Today, WVCY often ignores
news about abortion protesters who are facing fines and jail
terms under the permanent injunction.
* Attendance down, violence up
MCPC started in April, 1992, when anti-abortion activists
announced their eight-week "Short-Term Mission to the Pre-Born."
That summer, the Missionaries to the Preborn, Operation Rescue,
and Youth for America (YOFAM) orchestrated large demonstrations
and blockades. Missionary founders Rev. Joseph Foreman and Rev.
Matthew Trewhella stated their intention to close every abortion
clinic in Milwaukee. The Short-Term Mission resulted in over
1,000 arrests and $1 million in law enforcement costs.
By contrast, 1993's summer protests were much smaller, with
police costs of $112,000. But the Milwaukee Fire Department
reported costs of $48,000 for the butyric acid attack on one
clinic in August, and $99,000 for two September "car rescues" in
which Antis chained themselves into junked automobiles to block
clinic doors. Figures are unavailable for protest-related court
costs and for the amount of protesters' unpaid fines.
As the Antis' desperation has increased, so has their violence.
Since Dr. David Gunn's assassination last March, Milwaukee's
doctors have been the target of home blockades, stalking, and
death threats. One clinic has had bullets fired through its
windows four times in 1993.
* How the defenders attack
On the street, MCPC's strategy is purely defensive, protecting
patients and holding clinic doors to prevent blockades.
Defenders practice the discipline of keeping their hands in their
pockets and avoiding verbal exchanges with the Antis. But in
court, the hands come out of the pockets. Using the permanent
injunction, the Coalition has launched a full-tilt legal
offensive against the Antis.
The injunction orders protesters to stay 25 feet away from each
clinic and ten feet from each patient. Protesters must not
impede patients, touch them, photograph them, or record their
license plates. (See box.) If an Anti repeatedly breaks these
rules, MCPC serves them with the injunction and starts collecting
evidence of their violations.
* The legal lioness
Attorney Joan Clark, one of MCPC's co-coordinators, has led the
legal attacks like a mama lion: watchful, tenacious, and coolly
aggressive. A self-described "housewife and mom," she plots
strategies with other pro-choice attorneys including her husband
Bill Guis, MCPC board members Katy Doyle and Katie Walsh, and
Walsh's husband Steve Glenn. No doubt, the presence of so many
female lawyers has inspired gland-shrivelling FemiNazi paranoia
in many Antis.
Interviewed last week, Clark said MCPC began its legal work even
before the Short-Term Mission. "By the time the first big crowds
hit the streets," she said, "the Coalition had been successful in
getting a preliminary injunction into place."
"That spring," Clark said, "Katie Walsh and Chris Korsmo (of
NARAL) convinced the Powers That Be that there was going to be
serious, serious trouble. And with no injunction, there'd be no
mechanism to handle it."
The December permanent injunction, almost identical to the
preliminary, solidified what Clark calls the "completely
separate, parallel system of justice" that protects Milwaukee's
five abortion clinics.
But even after the preliminary injunction was signed, its
benefits were hard to see and difficult to enforce. "It didn't
do us much tangible good until this year. But two significant
things happened. First, fully half of the named defendents
disappeared. In that respect, the injunction started helping
right away. And second, it gave us a great morale boost."
* A detour around what?
But why was this roundabout route necessary? "You get an
injunction because there isn't an enforceable law on the books
that will that will prevent certain things from taking place,"
Clark explained. "There's a hole and you need to fill it up."
"We needed this injunction," she said, "because the Milwaukee
District Attorney, E. Michael McCann, is anti-choice and would
not charge people who were arrested day after day. The only way
to stop this activity was to set up a completely separate system
of justice," she said.
"People don't realize that the Missionaries had already been
doing this for three years, long before the Short-Term Mission."
Clark said. "Every single day at Summit, when a patient would
approach, two people blocked the door. You call the cops, get
the paddy, spend an hour getting rid of them. The woman would
get in. And then when the next patient came -- two more people
would sit down."
Clark said police officers have told her that "until the
Coalition started, the DA wouldn't talk to police or clinic
owners about anything, not even battery. Dr. Paul Seamars was
physically restrained by one Anti while another took his picture,
and the DA wouldn't do anything. It's a very, very, very
dishonest policy."
"Anywhere else," said Clark, "if you receive ten municipal
disorderly conduct tickets for the same activity within a
relatively short period of time, you'll be charged with a crime,
because these muni tickets are not deterring you."
"If we had had a District Attorney who'd do his job, the
Missionaries wouldn't be here. Except for two weeks in Buffalo
and four weeks in Wichita, we have the most chronic, terrible
problem in the country," she said.
* Have you been served?
You'll frequently find Clark in court, sitting at the prosecution
table with counsel from the City Attorney or State Attorney
General. "I'm there unofficially as an evidence gatherer. I'm
more conversant with the facts than the city attorney, because
usually I was there when the incident happened," Clark said. "A
second function we serve is to tell the city when the people
they're looking for show up at clinics."
Clark also serves injunctions for MCPC and keeps track of
which Antis have been served. She described her informal rule:
"We serve people whose names we know who violate the injunction.
Because down the road, if they do something bad, we want to be
able to bring a motion against them."
She's very sensitive to the free speech issues the injunction
raises. "If you violate the injunction, the question is whether
you're acting in concert with a named defendant, and / or whether
we care," she said.
"Take the Concrete Christian," she said, referring to a protester
who always stands motionless and silent. "He violates the
injunction every day, but I couldn't care less. I consider that
First Amendment activity, and I would never go after him," Clark
said. Although we might get a judge to say this guy is acting in
concert, it would be dishonest, because he's not."
Clark urges people to come observe how "sidewalk counselling"
works. "Watch for half an hour," she said. "You'll see: it's
not someone expressing a view. It's very aggressive, very
physical -- and it's designed to scare the hell out of somebody
who's seeking medical attention."
* Crime and punishment
So far, MCPC's biggest catch is Brian Longworth, convicted in
November of criminal contempt and sentenced to two years for
twice blockading clinic doors. Longworth first attracted MCPC's
attention by leading "kiddie-hits," blockades that result in
dozens of arrests of children as young as eight years old.
"Longworth is definitely the worst," said Clark. "Longworth is
big because he's the leader of Youth for America, he felt he was
untouchable, and his name was not on the injunction."
Clark stressed the importance of prosecuting defendants whose
names are not on the injunction: "The Antis tell everybody the
injunction's just a piece of paper. If your name isn't on there,
it doesn't apply to you. But this Longworth thing hit everybody
right in the face. All of a sudden, they can't deny it any
more," she said.
Another un-named defendant, Rev. Joseph Foreman, was found in civil
contempt November 29. Foreman's a national figure among anti-
abortion activists, a former field operations director for
Operation Rescue. Since moving to Milwaukee in 1992, he's become
the most prominent leader on the local scene. Oddly, neither
WVCY nor the Missionaries to the Preborn has mentioned Foreman's
conviction.
At his trial, Foreman complained that he felt singled out for
selective prosecution, and urged the city to first pursue
defendants who were named on the injunction. Joan Clark
dismissed Foreman's assertion, saying, "Joe knows why he's being
picked. A prosecutor with limited resources will go after the
people who are the most troublesome."
Altogether, six Antis have been found in criminal contempt and 27
in civil contempt. More than half of these people have come to
Milwaukee from other states to participate in protests here.
A person found in civil contempt must forfeit $500, or swear to
obey the injunction, or serve 20 days. For a second violation,
penalties double. A third violation can become criminal
contempt, carrying $5,000 or a year in jail. The Milwaukee City
Attorney's office and the State Attorney General are continuing
to bring contempt motions against Antis who violate the
injunction.
* Approaching the endgame
The permanent injunction, like many legal matters, has taken
effect with an almost geological slowness over the past year.
Now Clark and the Coalition can sense its increasing speed and
effectiveness. "This is absolutely going to mop up the problem,"
she said. "Things will pop up now and again, but most Antis will
drop out after their first convictions. They're desperate! Why
are they talking about Waco, Texas all the time, and Halloween?
They can't even talk about this issue on the radio any more!"
At the clinics, defenders feel that the remaining protesters have
become more frantic. As their legal woes multiply, previously
mild-mannered Antis have spun out of control. In recent weeks,
police have arrested middle-aged Christian homeowners for
kicking, slapping, and spitting at clinic defenders and escorts.
With spring, MCPC hopes that the Freedom of Access to Clinic
Entrances (FACE) bill will solve the Anti problem for clinics
nationwide. FACE has passed both houses of Congress, but must
clear a conference committee before President Clinton can sign
it. Among hard-core protesters, a common practice is to blockade
in one city until the penalties become too severe, then move to
another city. Brian Longworth, for example, collected 16
convictions in Georgia and California before he came to
Wisconsin. The new federal law will stop these itinerant
protestors much more effectively.
FACE may make the local issue moot, but the pro-choice community
won't forget how their District Attorney made Milwaukee taxpayers
underwrite his personal religious beliefs. And dollars don't
cover the damage to patients' privacy and peace of mind. One
clinic escort said, "I wish I'd counted the tears. Every time
the Antis make a woman cry, I think of how the DA should make
reparations for all those tears."
Clark said that one defender, Mike Salick, has found the perfect
analogy for MCPC's long struggle. "It's like a town in the Old
West," she said, "where the bad guys are preying on the
townspeople. And for some reason, the sheriff won't do anything.
Finally the townspeople say 'OK, we've had enough!' And they
rise up and they drive the bad guys out of town. That's just
what we've done!"
_________________________________________________________________
* Clip and save!
How to Exercise Your First Amendment Rights
Without Getting Arrested:
A Handy Wallet Card for the Pro-Life Activist
1. Do not come any closer than 25 feet to any abortion clinic's
doorway, parking lot, or driveway.
2. Do not come any closer than 10 feet to any person entering or
leaving the clinic.
3. Do not physically abuse, grab, touch, push, shove, or crowd
any person entering or leaving the clinic.
4. Do not photograph any person entering or leaving the clinic,
and do not record their car's license number.
5. Clinic defenders focus their legal offensive on certain kinds
of protesters, those who:
- Blockade clinic entrances.
- Threaten or scare patients, doctors, or clinic staff.
- Make physical contact with patients or defenders.
- Lose their tempers, or are verbally abusive.
You can speak, pray, sing, hold a sign, and counsel anyone who
voluntarily approaches you. People who follow these guidelines
have nothing to worry about.
_________________________________________________________________
This article has appeared in:
The Shepherd Express, Milwaukee, WI, December, 1993.
The Sojourner, Boston, MA, January, 1994, in a condensed version.
Off Our Backs, Washington, DC, February, 1994.
_________________________________________________________________
Copyright 1993, 1994 by Muriel Hogan
Anyone may duplicate or distribute this article on BBSs, nets,
and echos. No one may reproduce this article in hardcopy for
sale or free distribution without my prior written permission.
For print permission, please contact me via Fido netmail.
_________________________________________________________________

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THE CITIZEN'S LINE ITEM VETO PROPOSITION
"If voting could change anything, it would be illegal." -- Karl
Hess
"If a law is disliked by as many as one-third is it not likely
that you would be better off without it?" -- The Moon is a Harsh
Mistress, Robert A. Heinlein
Here's a proposition that, if passed, would convince me to
abandon two decades of abstinence from the political process,
register to vote, and vote early and often -- too often, I think,
for this proposition to stand any chance of being enacted, for it
would actually place real power in the hands of the average voter
in a way that the established Powers That Be would not permit.
You are free to try proving me wrong by attempting to get it
passed: I assure you it will not be enacted into law without
being watered down so much as to be meaningless. But I offer it
as an exercise for the politically active, to demonstrate to them
the contempt in which the electorate is held by elected and
appointed officials, and how any real attempt to enfranchise
power in the hands of the people will be resisted tooth and nail.
California has in place a method of amending the state
constitution through voters' initiatives called propositions.
Very well -- California is as good a place as any to test any
whacky new idea. If successful here, it will be imitated in
other states, and perhaps even federally. Therefore, herewith
proposed to be placed before the voters of the State of
California is
*****
THE CITIZEN'S LINE ITEM VETO PROPOSITION
Summary: The State of California shall establish a statewide
voicemail telephone system whereby voters may exercise a line-
item veto over all legislation signed by the governor. A one-
third vote in favor of vetoing a line item shall prevent it from
becoming law, with no override available.
The proposition:
Within one year of the passage of this proposition:
I. A. The State of California shall register any California voter
who wishes to enroll for Citizen's Line Item Veto participation.
Such enrollment shall identify these voters in a manner not
invasive to their personal privacy, but with a level of security
equivalent to that used by the commercial banking industry for
telephone banking transactions.
B. The State of California shall establish a state-wide voice-
mail telephone system, operated by touch-tone telephones using an
(800) area code telephone number or other free-to-caller area
code. All California voters enrolled for Citizen's Line Item
Veto participation shall be entitled to vote on this system.
C. Each line item in all legislation signed by the governor the
previous week shall be placed before the enrolled voters on this
voice mail system. Each voter on the system shall be given one
vote per line item of legislation signed by the governor, YES or
NO.
D. A count shall be made each week of all votes on each line-
item. If a line-item gains one-third or more NO votes, it shall
fail to have been passed into law, and no appeal to any
legislative, executive, or judicial authority may override this
veto.
II. The State of California shall provide a weekly line-item
summary of all legislation which has been signed into law by the
governor the previous week. Such summary shall be in a form
understandable to any resident of the State of California with a
high school diploma issued by a California public school, and
shall be made publicly available.
III. To compensate voters in the Line Item Veto for the time and
effort of reading the legislation and registering their vote, all
voters enrolled in the Line Item Veto who vote on the system at
least eight times per year shall be exempt at point of sale on
all purchases from the California Sales Tax for the next year.
IV. No line-item vetoed by the voters of the Line Item Veto may
be reintroduced into legislation for a period of three years.
V. No tax or other method of public funding, including all usage
fees, shall pass into effect without being subject to the
Citizen's Line Item Veto, nor shall any tax or other method of
funding, including all usage fees, remain in effect two years
from the passage of this proposition unless it is placed before
the enrolled voters of the Citizen's Line Item Veto.
*****
--J. Neil Schulman
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Newsgroups: misc.legal
From: jim@irvine.com (James)
Subject: SSNs, taxes, legal jurisdictions, and citizenship
Organization: Irvine Compiler Corp., Irvine, California, USA
Date: Sat, 16 Jan 1993 02:03:16 GMT
Message-ID: <C0xCDH.n2K@irvine.com>
Lines: 394
I've come across claims that there is another class of citizenship in
these United States, and that members of that class do not have to
file taxes and hence do not have to obtain a Social Security Number
for any reason.
I would very much like to obtain informed opinions and citings from
legal decisions in support for or against, as I don't yet have all the
facts.
To kick off the discussion, I'll offer what I've learned so far. But,
please: I'm primarily interested in the legal aspects. Discussing the
philosophical or social implications would be fun, but only as asides
to the legal aspects. Also, I'm not especially interested in the
tax consequences so much as I'm interested in the overall issue of
individual Sovereignty and the loss thereof.
* * *
0. The Issue
With respect to US citizenship and SSNs, there are two claims made:
1) that US citizens are required to file taxes and the IRS requires
taxpayers to obtain an SSN; and 2) that there is another class of
citizenship whose members do not have to file taxes and are not
subject to most federal regulations.
The first claim is undeniably true. US citizens must definitely file
taxes and the IRS definitely requires taxpayers to obtain SSNs.
A summary of the argument for the second claim follows. I am trying
to track down all supporting information---court decisions in
particular---to determine its veracity.
Where I've wished to add supporting evidence or personal interjections,
I've placed references in square brackets [] to a Notes section.
1. The Argument In Favor of Claim 2
1.1. Classes of Citizenship
There are two distinct and separate classes of citizenship: 1) State
Citizenship, which has existed since before and after the Union was
formed; and 2) US citizenship, which has existed only since the 14th
Amendment (which actually created the class of US citizenship).
By Common Law birthright everyone who is born in a State is a
Sovereign Citizen of the State in which they were born.
1.2. Common Law
Common Law is the basis of the U.S. Constitution and the various State
constitutions. Common Law derives from English law, and is largely
uncodified. Common Law is approached as axiomatic, and provides that
persons have inalienable (or "natural") rights that cannot be taken
away by governmental entities. [1]
1.3. The Nature of Sovereignty
The term Sovereign has very special meaning in law. It is from Common
Law and derives from the body of law applicable to Kings (Sovereigns).
A Sovereign is not necessarily subject to any higher authority.
However, if one is not a Sovereign then one is subject to some higher
authority.
There are three classes of Sovereigns in the United States: "We The
People", the State Governments, and the Federal Government. Hence, a
State Citizen is a Sovereign.
Each Sovereign State Citizen, with respect to every other Sovereign
State Citizen, is a Sovereign. Each State, with respect to every
other State, is a Sovereign. The United States of America ("the US"),
as a country, is a Sovereign with respect to every other country in
the world.
The Sovereign "We The People" created the States. The States are
subject to the Sovereign We The People that created them. The
Sovereign States created the US. The US is subject to the Sovereign
States that created it.
1.4. Classes of Constitutions
Each State has two constitutions: 1) an original Common Law
constitution with which the State, as a Sovereign Country whose form
of government was required to be a Republic (not quite the same thing
as a Democracy), entered into the Union; and 2) a Corporate
constitution created sometime after the State entered into the Union
and had incorporated.
California, for example, has two Constitutions: the original Common
Law constitution of 1849, and the statutory law ("Corporate")
constitution of 1879. Both constitutions are still in effect. The
Corporate constitution cites the original Common Law constitution and
is a substitute for it. The term substitute has special meaning in
law. It does not mean "to replace" or "to supersede". [2]
The State Constitutions and the Federal Constitution are documents
specifically creating and delineating the powers and restrictions of
the created government. All other powers are to remain with the
People and all powers granted to the government are from the People.
The Constitutions give a Sovereign Citizen no rights whatsoever,
because a Sovereign Citizen already possessed all rights possible:
the Citizen was and is the ultimate Sovereign in this country.
The Constitutions simply acknowledge and state the preexistence of
these "inalienable rights" and guarantee that the government will not
in any way infringe or take away these rights.
Among other things, the various Constitutions state that any
government shall not infringe on the right of individuals to enter
into contracts.
1.5. The Nature of the District of Columbia
Each State in the Union is a separate Country. This is stated by US
Supreme Court Cases and Congressional Record, most recently in 1968.
Late in the 18th century, 13 separate countries agreed to form a Union
and to create a 14th separate country called the District Of Columbia.
The land for the Federal District of Columbia was taken from the
country of Maryland. [3]
Washington D.C. and all States are separate countries with respect to
each other. Therefore, any entity, whether a person or a corporation,
while residing in another country, is a foreigner (an "alien").
The US Government (of the District of Columbia) is a foreign/alien
corporation with respect to each State.
1.6. Classes of Citizenship Revisited
Sovereign State Citizenship is a Common Law birthright. That status
was not and is not created by the State or the United States; it is
axiomatic.
US citizenship was created by the 14th amendment to the Constitution,
hence US citizens are subject to the US government.
A Sovereign State Citizen (or briefly, a State Citizen) is not subject
to the US government in the same way that a US citizen is. A State
Citizen has the full protections of all of the restrictions on the US
Government that the US constitution provides.
State Citizens are Citizens of exactly one State. The US Constitution
guarantees that every State shall treat Citizens of every other State
while within that State as if they were Citizens of their State.
US citizens are citizens only of the District Of Columbia. They are
not State Citizens of the State in which they reside. They are
technically Franchises of the Corporation called the US Government.
Any US citizen residing in one of the 50 states is considered to be a
resident alien of that state, and not a Citizen of that state---and,
as a special point in law, is "residing" in that State, as opposed to
being "domiciled" there.
A State Citizen is subject to common law and the original state
constitution. The Common Law constitution can be invoked in court by
a State Citizen. The Corporate constitution does not apply to a State
Citizen. [4]
The Corporate constitution of a State does apply to a resident/alien.
All modifications to the original Common Law constitution contained
in the Corporate constitution do apply to residents/aliens.
1.7. The Nature of Income Taxes
Both the US Constitution and the State Constitutions do allow for
excise taxes.
The 16th Amendment to the United States Constitution provides that
Congress may impose taxes on income. [5]
The US Supreme Court has ruled that the income tax is an excise tax
because it is a tax on the earnings of corporate franchises (i.e. US
citizens) and hence is an excise tax. [6]
Because a US citizen is a Franchise of a foreign corporation with
respect to the State, and is residing in the State, that citizen pays
some income taxes to a special state entity. In California, that
entity is the Franchise Tax Board and the tax is called the Resident
Income Tax.
State Citizens are not subject to the Resident Income Tax since they
are not residents of the State and are not aliens with respect to the
State. [7]
State Citizens are not citizens of the District Of Columbia and therefore
they are not subject to the District Of Columbia's income tax.
1.8. The Nature of the Social Security Tax
Social Security was first implemented in 1935, originally not as a tax
per se. The Social Security Act of 1935 was repealed in 1938 and
reenacted as a direct tax on all US citizens. It is a direct tax
because the Social Security Act of 1938 states that the revenues can
be used for "any other purposes". [8]
The Social Security tax today is a direct tax called FICA, and the
revenue collected from payees is directly given to recipients.
However, the revenue is considered part of the general tax revenues
(e.g. those collected from taxes on incomes and other sources),
and can be spent in any way specified by Congress.
The courts have ruled that Social Security disbursements are "gifts"
from the government. However, the US Government is free to do with
the monies whatever it wishes.
Social Security taxes are not refundable.
Since State Citizens are not US citizens they are not subject to
social security tax. The social security tax is voluntary.
2. Notes.
[1] I wanted to compare Common Law and Statutory Law, but my
understanding of the nature of Statutory Law needs improvement.
[2] Each Sovereign State after entering into the Union eventually
incorporated. Each State has two flags: the Sovereign State flag
and the Corporate State flag. The Corporate constitution is the
constitution that is full of all of the Statutory "laws" that
apply to its residents. Anything the Corporate State creates is
subject to it. The US Government is also a Corporation.
The US also has two flags: the Sovereign United States flag and
the Federal Corporate flag which, with Gold fringe, is also a
military or martial law flag.
[3] The District of Columbia cannot become a state, because the land
belongs to Maryland.
[4] If one examines many of the "laws" on the books and the Corporate
Constitution of a State one will find that they are carefully written
so as not to apply to State Citizens. They are written to apply to all
the residents/foreigners/aliens/corporations (aka "Persons", i.e.
non-State Citizens) residing in the state. Of course, virtually
everyone in every state is a resident alien ("Person") since they
are all citizens of the US. (State Citizens are "Sovereigns,"
and, under statutory law, not "Persons".)
[5] The tax laws, as written by the US Congress, are not actually Laws
(with a capital L) at all but are codes (or contract laws).
The laws most certainly are valid for US citizens. Persons who
claim the tax laws are unconstitutional are also wrong:
there are US Supreme Court cases stating in clear and certain terms
that the "income tax" is actually an excise and hence is not
unconstitutional. In addition there are US Supreme Court cases
stating in clear and certain terms that the tax laws apply to US
citizens even if they earn all of their income outside of the US
with no direct or indirect economic involvement with US.
The mere fact that one is a US citizen empowers the IRS to determine
one's Federal income tax liability. The IRS usually forces
US citizens to "voluntarily" determine that liability themselves.
[6] There are court rulings stating that the income tax as it now
stands has nothing to do with---and never has had anything to do
with---the 16th amendment.
[7] Do Citizens of Thailand (a foreign country) pay their taxes to the US
Government? No. State Citizens are considered non-resident
aliens with respect to the District of Columbia. There is an IRS
form W-8, "non-resident alien declaration", that exempts one from
the Federal Income tax. If one files a W-8, the IRS will
eventually send one a letter stating that one is exempt from all
Federal tax liability. I have yet to actually see such a letter though.
[8] Many persons today, especially older persons, still claim that the
Social Security tax is not a direct tax and is like an account into
which they have paid and from which they expect all of "their" invested
money back plus some. But that is only as it was originally
implemented and stated to the American People, and has not applied
since 1938.
3. Analysis
3.1. Questions of Status and Jurisdiction
The key legal issue seems to be one of Status. Is one's status under
law Sovereign or Subject? Status is critical to any legal proceeding
so that proper and legal jurisdiction can be determined. It is
beginning to look like the outcome of any given case, whether argued
before the US Supreme Court or some other court, is ultimately
affected by Status and Jurisdiction. Another key legal issue which
ultimately affects Status are the terms "domiciled in/living in" and
"resides in/residing in". According to law a citizen of his own
country is domiciled in or lives in his country. A foreigner/alien or
diplomat while "living in" a country not his own resides in or is
residing in that country.
The question then in court is which constitution one can invoke. The
constitution that one can invoke is totally dependent upon one's
Status.
3.2. Contracts and Social Security
A State Citizen or US citizen is entering into a contract by obtaining
a driver's license, a credit card, a bank account, a social security
card, by filing income tax returns, etc. Once one is party to a
contract the terms of that contract are in full effect and actually
are law for the parties of the contract and fully enforcible to the
full extent of the Law.
The governments and courts must make sure the terms of the contract
are followed to the letter. This is what the Federal Government and
State Governments are supposed to do and are doing with great effect.
They enforce the terms of contracts voluntarily and non-fraudulently
entered into by two or more parties.
A State Citizen, by obtaining a social security number, is signing a
contract. The terms of a contract can constrain or supersede any of
the rights the Sovereign previously held. And those terms are fully
enforcible by the courts.
The social security contract binds the parties to the laws and
statutes regarding social security.
The social security contract also makes one a US citizen and hence
makes one subject to the 14th amendment and to any other laws that
apply to US citizens. One is still a State Citizen, but all the
Federal laws, income tax laws, social security laws, etc., constrain
one's rights contractually.
3.3. Rights of US citizens vs. Rights of State Citizens
All US citizens are subject to the US Government and have "civil
rights," but have neither "inalienable" rights nor rights guaranteed
by the Constitutions. The rights that US citizens hold are only those
granted to them by the US Government.
Civil rights can be removed or changed at will by legislation. For
example, US citizens were given the right to a trial by jury only in
1968. Previously, US citizens might be given trials by jury but the
guaranteed right to a jury trial did not exist for them. In contrast,
State Citizens have had that right guaranteed by the State and US
Constitutions since their existence.
A State Citizen has absolutely no need of civil rights. A State
Citizen already holds all rights as inalienable.
No challenges regarding constitutionality may be mounted by
aliens/foreigners and US citizens since they did not create the US
constitution---instead they are created constructs of the US
constitution. Sovereign State Citizens can challenge the
constitutionality of laws, codes, or statutes. This is why US citizen
tax-protesters get slam-dunked when they stand before the US Supreme
Court (or the Tax Court for that matter) and claim that the income tax
is unconstitutional. They are wrong twice: they cannot legally even
present the challenge, and the income tax is an excise tax and is
constitutional.
4. Conclusions
Some individuals now claim to be State Citizens by virtue of having
obtained letters from the states in which they are domiciled
acknowledging their Citizenships in those States. Also, to deny
Federal jurisdiction, these Citizens have attempted to break all
contractual ties with the US Government, by returning their Social
Security cards, by submitting IRS W-8 forms and by closing all
financial accounts with members of the Federal Reserve System (credit
cards, bank accounts, loans) etc. In addition, to deny Corporate
State jurisdiction, these Citizens have returned their driver's
licenses, vehicle registrations, and license plates.
These Citizens claim that Federal Statutory laws, statutes, codes,
etc., and the state Corporate constitutions, do not apply to
them---and have never applied to them---and also that none of the
State Statutory laws, statutes, codes, etc., apply to them.
In traffic and tax cases, the state courts are upholding these claims
so far, but not without a huge fight per individual case. I have yet
to actually sit in on a case to see this happen, but I have read some
of the decisions rendered on such cases. Most cases against State
Citizens are eventually dismissed, because the courts appear not to
want more legal precedents set.
The above is a summary of most of the support that I have found so far
for claim 2. I have not verified all of this. This is what I am
trying to do right now. So: does anyone have informed opinions about
this matter? Can anyone point to solid legal work that secures or
refutes the correctness of claim 2?
--James Zarbock

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Civil Liberties in Cyberspace:
When does hacking turn from an exercise
of civil liberties into crime?
by Mitchell Kapor
published in Scientific American,
September, 1991.
On March 1, 1990, the U.S. Secret Service raided the offices of Steve
Jackson, an entrepreneurial publisher in Austin, Tex. Carrying a
search warrant, the authorities confiscated computer hardware and
software, the drafts of his about-to-be-released book and many business
records of his company, Steve Jackson Games. They also seized the
electronic bulletin-board system used by the publisher to communicate
with customers and writers, thereby seizing all the private electronic
mail on the system.
The Secret Service held some of the equipment and material for months,
refusing to discuss their reasons for the raid. The publisher was forced
to reconstruct his book from old manuscripts, to delay filling orders
for it and to lay off half his staff. When the warrant application was
finally unsealed months later, it confirmed that the publisher was
never suspected of any crime.
Steve Jackson's legal difficulties are symptomatic of a widespread
problem. During the past several years, dozens of individuals have been
the subject of similar searches and seizures. In any other context, this
warrant might never have been issued. By many interpretations, it
disregarded the First and Fourth Amendments to the U. S. Constitution,
as well as several existing privacy laws. But the government proceeded
as if civil liberties did not apply. In this case, the government was
investigating a new kind of crime -- computer crime.
The circumstances vary, but a disproportionate number of cases share a
common thread: the serious misunderstanding of computer-based communi-
cation and its implications for civil liberties. We now face the task
of adapting our legal institutions and societal expectations to the
cultural phenomena that even now are springing up from communications
technology.
Our society has made a commitment to openness and to free
communication. But if our legal and social institutions fail to adapt
to new technology, basic access to the global electronic media could be
seen as a privilege, granted to those who play by the strictest rules,
rather than as a right held by anyone who needs to communicate. To
assure that these freedoms are not compromised, a group of computer
experts, including myself, founded the Electronic Frontier Foundation
(EFF) in 1990.
In many respects, it was odd that Steve Jackson Games got caught up in a
computer crime investigation at all. The company publishes a popular,
award-winning series of fantasy roleplaying games, produced in the
form of elaborate rule books. The raid took place only because law
enforcement officials misunderstood the technologies -- computer
bulletin-board systems (BBSs) and on-line forums -- and misread the
cultural phenomena that those technologies engender.
Like a growing number of businesses, Steve Jackson Games operated an
electronic bulletin board to facilitate contact between players of its
games and their authors. Users of this bulletin-board system dialed in
via modem from their personal computers to swap strategy tips, learn
about game upgrades, exchange electronic mail and discuss games and
other topics.
Law enforcement officers apparently became suspicious when a Steve
Jackson Games employee -- on his own time and on a BBS he ran from his
house -- made an innocuous comment about a public domain protocol for
transferring computer files called Kermit. In addition, officials
claimed that at one time the employee had had on an electronic
bulletin board a copy of Phrack, a widely disseminated electronic publi-
cation, that included information they believed to have been stolen from
a BellSouth computer.
The law enforcement officials interpreted these facts as unusual
enough to justify not only a search and seizure at the employee's
residence but also the search of Steve Jackson Games and the seizure of
enough equipment to disrupt the business seriously. Among the items
confiscated were all the hard copies and electronically stored copies of
the manuscript of a rule book for a role-playing game called GURPS
Cyberpunk, in which inhabitants of so-called cyberspace invade
corporate and government computer systems and steal sensitive data.
Law enforcement agents regarded the book, in the words of one, as "a
handbook for computer crime."
A basic knowledge of the kinds of computer intrusion that are
technically possible would have enabled the agents to see that GURPS
Cyberpunk was nothing more than a science fiction creation and that
Kermit was simply a legal, frequently used computer program.
Unfortunately, the agents assigned to investigate computer crime did not
know what -- if anything -- was evidence of criminal activity.
Therefore, they intruded on a small business without a reasonable
basis for believing that a crime had been committed and conducted a
search and seizure without looking for "particular" evidence, in vi-
olation of the Fourth Amendment of the Constitution.
Searches and seizures of such computer systems affect the rights of
not only their owners and operators but also the users of those systems.
Although most BBS users have never been in the same room with the
actual computer that carries their postings, they legitimately expect
their electronic mail to be private and their lawful associations to
be protected.
The community of bulletin-board users and computer networkers may be
small, but precedents must be understood in a greater context. As
forums for debate and information exchange, computer-based bulletin
boards and conferencing systems support some of the most vigorous
exercise of the First Amendment freedoms of expression and association
that this country has ever seen. Moreover, they are evolving rapidly
into large-scale public information and communications utilities.
These utilities will probably converge into a digital national public
network that will connect nearly all homes and businesses in the U.S.
This network will serve as a main conduit for commerce, learning,
education and entertainment in our society, distributing images and
video signals as well as text and voice. Much of the content of this
network will be private messages serving as "virtual" town halls,
village greens and coffeehouses, where people post their ideas in public
or semipublic forums.
Yet there is a common perception that a defense of electronic civil
liberties is somehow opposed to legitimate concerns about the
prevention of computer crime. The conflict arises, in part, because
the popular hysteria about the technically sophisticated youths known as
hackers has drowned out reasonable discussion.
Perhaps inspired by the popular movie _WarGames_, the general public
began in the 1980s to perceive computer hackers as threats to the
safety of this country's vital computer systems. But the image of
hackers as malevolent is purchased at the price of ignoring the
underlying reality -- the typical teenage hacker is simply tempted by
the prospect of exploring forbidden territory. Some are among our best
and brightest technological talents: hackers of the 1960s and 1970s,
for example, were so driven by their desire to master, understand and
produce new hardware and software that they went on to start companies
called Apple, Microsoft and Lotus.
How do we resolve this conflict? One solution is ensure that our scheme
of civil and criminal laws provides sanctions in proportion to the
offenses. A system in which an exploratory hacker receives more time in
jail than a defendant convicted of assault violates our sense of
justice. Our legal tradition historically has shown itself capable of
making subtle and not-so-subtle distinctions among criminal offenses.
There are, of course, real threats to network and system security. The
qualities that make the ideal network valuableQits popularity, its
uniform commands, its ability to handle financial transactions and its
international access -- also make it vulnerable to a variety of
abuses and accidents. It is certainly proper to hold hackers
accountable for their offenses, but that accountability should never
entail denying defendants the safeguards of the Bill of Rights,
including the rights to free expression and association and to free-
dom from unreasonable searches and seizures.
We need statutory schemes that address the acts of true computer crim-
inals (such as those who have created the growing problem of toll and
credit-card fraud) while distinguishing between those criminals and
hackers whose acts are most analogous to noncriminal trespass. And we
need educated law enforcement officials who will be able to recognize
and focus their efforts on the real threats.
The question then arises: How do we help our institutions, and
perceptions, adapt? The first step is to articulate the kinds of values
we want to see protected in the electronic society we are now shaping
and to make an agenda for preserving the civil liberties that are
central to that society. Then we can draw on the appropriate legal
traditions that guide other media. The late Ithiel de Sola Pool argued
in his influential book Technologies of Freedom that the medium of
digital communications is heir to several traditions of control: the
press, the common carrier and the broadcast media.
The freedom of the press to print and distribute is explicitly
guaranteed by the First Amendment. This freedom is somewhat limited,
particularly by laws governing obscenity and defamation, but the thrust
of First Amendment law, especially in this century, prevents the
government from imposing "prior restraint" on publications.
Like the railroad networks, the telephone networks follow common-car-
rier principles -- they do not impose content restrictions on the
"cargo" they carry. It would be unthinkable for the telephone company to
monitor our calls routinely or cut off conversations because the
subject matter was deemed offensive.
Meanwhile the highly regulated broadcast media are grounded in the
idea, arguably mistaken, that spectrum scarcity and the pervasiveness
of the broadcast media warrant government allocation and control of
access to broadcast frequencies (and some control of content). Access
to this technology is open to any consumer who can purchase a radio or
television set, but it is nowhere near as open for information
producers.
Networks as they now operate contain elements of publishers,
broadcasters, bookstores and telephones, but no one model fits. This
hybrid demands new thinking or at least a new application of the old
legal principles. As hybrids, computer networks also have some features
that are unique among the communications media. For example, most
conversations on bulletin boards, chat lines and conferencing systems
are both public and private at once. The electronic communicator speaks
to a group of individuals, only some of whom are known personally, in a
discussion that may last for days or months.
But the dissemination is controlled, because the membership is limited
to the handful of people who are in the virtual room, paying attention.
Yet the result may also be "published" -- an archival textual or voice
record can be automatically preserved, and newcomers can read the
backlog. Some people tend to equate on-line discussions with party (or
party-line) conversations, whereas others compare them to newspapers
and still others think of citizens band radio.
In this ambiguous context, freespeech controversies are likely to
erupt. Last year an outcry went up against the popular Prodigy comput-
er service, a joint venture of IBM and Sears, Roebuck and Co. The
problem arose because Prodigy management regarded their service as
essentially a newspaper" or "magazine," for which a hierarchy of
editorial control is appropriate. Some of Prodigy's customers, in
contrast, regarded the service as more of a forum or meeting place.
When users of the system tried to protest Prodigy's policy, its editors
responded by removing the discussion. then the protestors tried to
use electronic mail as a substitute for electron- assembly,
communicating through huge mailing lists. Prodigy placed a limit on the
number of messages each individual could send.
The Prodigy controversy illustrates important principle that belongs on
civil liberties agenda for the future: freedom-of-speech issues will not
disappear simply because a service provider has tried to impose a
metaphor on its service. Subscribers sense, I believe, that freedom of
speech on the networks is central for individuals to use electronic
communications. Science fiction writer William Gibson once remarked
that "the street finds its own uses for things." Network service pro-
viders will continue to discover that their customers will always find
their own best uses for new media.
Freedom of speech on networks will be promoted by limiting content-based
regulations and by promoting competition among providers of network
services. The first is necessary because governments will be tempted
to restrict the content of any information service they subsidize or
regulate. The second is necessary because market competition is the
most efficient means of ensuring that needs of network users will be
met.
The underlying network should essentially be a "carrier" -- it should
operate under a content-neutral regime in which access is available to
any entity that can pay for it. The information and forum services would
be "nodes" on this network. (Prodigy, like GEnie and CompuServe,
currently maintains its own proprietary infrastructure, but a future
version of Prodigy might share the same network with services like
CompuServe.)
Each service would have its own unique character and charge its own
rates. If a Prodigy-like entity correctly perceives a need for an
electronic "newspaper" with strong editorial control, it will draw an
audience. Other less hierarchical services will share the network with
that "newspaper" yet find their own market niches, varying by format and
content.
The prerequisite for this kind of competition is a carrier capable of
highbandwidth traffic that is accessible to individuals in every
community. Like common carriers, these network carriers should be seen
as conduits for the distribution of electronic transmissions. They
should not be allowed to change the content of a message or to discrim-
inate among messages.
This kind of restriction will require shielding the carriers from legal
liabilities for libel, obscenity and plagiarism. Today the ambiguous
state of liability law has tempted some computer network carriers to
reduce their risk by imposing content restrictions. This could be
avoided by appropriate legislation. Our agenda requires both that the
law shield carriers from liability based on content and that carriers
not be allowed to discriminate.
All electronic "publishers" should be allowed equal access to networks.
Ultimately, there could be hundreds of thousands of these information
providers, as there are hundreds of thousands of print publishers
today. As "nodes," they will be considered the conveners of the
environments within which on-line assembly takes place.
None of the old definitions will suffice for this role. For example,
to safeguard the potential of free and open inquiry, it is desirable
to preserve each electronic publisher's control over the general flow
and direction of material under his or her imprimaturQin effect, to give
the "sysop," or system operator, the prerogatives and protections of a
publisher.
But it is unreasonable to expect the sysop of a node to review every
message or to hold the sysop to a publish er's standard of libel.
Message traffic on many individually owned services is already too
great for the sysop to review. We can only expect the trend to grow.
Nor is it appropriate to compare nodes to broadcasters (an analogy
likely to lead to licensing and content-based regulation). Unlike the
broadcast media, nodes do not dominate the shared resource of a public
community, and they are not a pervasive medium. To take part in a
controversial discussion, a user must actively seek entry into the
appropriate node, usually with a subscription and a password.
Anyone who objects to the content of a node can find hundreds of other
systems where they might articulate their ideas more freely. The danger
is if choice is somehow restricted: if all computer networks in the
country are restrained from allowing discussion on particular subjects
or if a publicly sponsored computer network limits discussion.
This is not to say that freedom-of-speech principles ought to protect
all electronic communications. Exceptional cases, such as the BBS used
primarily to traffic in stolen long-distance access codes or credit-card
numbers, will always arise and pose problems of civil and criminal
liability. We know that electronic freedom of speech, whether in public
or private systems, cannot be absolute. In face-to-face conversation and
printed matter today, it is commonly agreed that freedom of speech
does not cover the communications inherent in criminal conspiracy,
fraud, libel, incitement to lawless action and copyright infringement.
If there are to be limits on electronic freedom of speech, what
precisely should those limits be? One answer to this question is the
U.S. Supreme Court's 1969 decision in Brandenburg v. Ohio. The court
ruled that no speech should be subject to prior restraint or criminal
prosecution unless it is intended to incite and is likely to cause
imminent lawless action.
In general, little speech or publication falls outside of the
protections of the Brandenburg case, since most people are able to
reflect before acting on a written or spoken suggestion. As in
traditional media, any on-line messages should not be the basis of
criminal prosecution unless the Brandenburg standard is met.
Other helpful precedents include cases relating to defamation and
copyright infringement. Free speech does not mean one can damage a
reputation or appropriate a copyrighted work without being called to
account for it. And it probably does not mean that one can release a
virus across the network in order to "send a message" to network
subscribers. Although the distinction is trickier than it may first
appear, the release of a destructive program, such as a virus, may be
better analyzed as an act rather than as speech.
Following freedom of speech on our action agenda is freedom from unrea-
sonable searches and seizures. The Steve Jackson case was one of many
cases in which computer equipment and disks were seized and held some-
times for months -often without a specific charge being filed. Even when
only a few files were relevant to an investigation, entire computer
systems, including printers, have been removed with their hundreds of
files intact.
Such nonspecific seizures and searches of computer data allow "rummag-
ing," in which officials browse through private files in search of
incriminating evidence. In addition to violating the Fourth Amendment
requirement that searches and seizures be "particular," these searches
often run afoul of the Electronic Communications Privacy Act of 1986.
This act prohibits the government from seizing or intercepting elec-
tronic communications without proper authorization. They also contravene
the Privacy Protection Act of 1980, which prohibits the government from
searching the offices of Dublishers for documents, including
materials that are electronically stored.
We can expect that law enforcement agencies and civil libertarians
will agree over time about the need to establish procedures for
searches and seizures of "particular" computer data and hardware. Law
enforcement officials will have to adhere to guidelines in the above
statutes to achieve Fourth Amendment "particularity" while maximizing
the efficiency of their searches. They also will have to be trained to
make use of software tools that allow searches for particular files or
particular information within files on even the most capacious hard
disk or optical storage device.
Still another part of the solution will be law enforcement's abandonment
of the myth of the clever criminal hobbyist. Once law enforcement no
longer assumes worst-case behavior but looks instead for real evidence
of criminal activity, its agents will learn to search and seize only
what they need.
Developing and implementing a civil liberties agenda for computer net-
works will require increasing participation by technically trained
people. Fortunately, there are signs that this is begining to happen.
The Computers, Freedom and Privacy Conference, held last spring in San
Francisco, along with electronic conferences on the WELL (Whole Earth
'Lectronic Link) and other computer networks, have brought law
enforcement officials, supposed hackers and interested members of the
computer community together in a spirit of free and frank discussion.
Such gatherings are beginning to work out the civil liberties guidelines
for a networked society.
There is general agreement, for example, that a policy on electronic
crime should offer protection for security and privacy on both
individual and institutional systems. Defining a measure of damages
and setting proportional punishment will require further goodfaith
deliberations by the community involved with electronic freedoms, in-
cluding the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the Secret Service, the
bar associations, technology groups, telephone companies and civil
libertarians. It will be especially important to represent the damage
caused by electronic crime accurately and to leave room for the valuable
side of the hacker spirit: the interest in increasing legitimate under-
standing through exploration.
We hope to see a similar emerging consensus on security issues. Network
systems should be designed not only to provide technical solutions to
security problems but also to allow system operators to use them
without infringing unduly on the rights of users. A security system
that depends on wholesale monitoring of traffic, for example, would
create more problems than it would solve.
Those parts of a system where damage would do the greatest harm --
financial records, electronic mail, military data -- should be
protected. This involves installing more effective computer security
measures, but it also means redefining the legal interpretations of
copyright, intellectual property, computer crime and privacy so that
system users are protected against individual criminals and abuses by
large institutions. These policies should balance the need for civil
liberties against the need for a secure, orderly, protected electronic
society.
As we pursue that balance, of course, confrontations will continue to
take place. In May of this year, Steve Jackson Games, with the support
of the EFF, filed suit against the Secret Service, two individual Secret
Service agents, an assistant U.S. attorney and others.
The EFF is not seeking confrontation for its own sake. One of the
realities of our legal system is that one often has to fight for a legal
or constitutional right in the courts in order to get it recognized
outside the courts. One goal of the lawsuit is to establish clear
grounds under which search and seizure of electronic media is
"unreasonable" and unjust. Another is to establish the clear
applicability of First Amendment principles to the new medium.
But the EFF's agenda extends far beyond liagation. Our larger agenda
includes sponsoring a range of educational initiatives aimed at the
public's general lack of familiarity with the technology and its
potential. That is why there is an urgent need for technologically
knowledgeable people to take part in the public debate over communica-
tions policy and to help spread their understanding of these issues.
Fortunately, the very technology at stake -- electronic conferencing
-- makes it easier than ever before to get involved in the debate.

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<EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD>ͻ
<EFBFBD> <20><><EFBFBD>The Sixth Column<6D><6E><EFBFBD> <20>
<EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD>͹
<EFBFBD> To: All those who travel CyberSpace for limitless knowledge <20>
<EFBFBD> From: Lestat De Lioncourt / Coordinator of the Sixth Column <20>
<EFBFBD> Re: Introduction and Purpose <20>
<EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD><EFBFBD>ͼ
Are you happy with the current situation America is in today? Do you have
this little voice, in the back of your head whispering, "Something isn't
right about all of this"? Are you concerned for your family and your
children? What will they inherit from us?
The American Dream or Economic Slavery?
I have found that most of the people in CyberSpace are somewhat "aware" of
what is really happening to our Nation. CyberSpace is a wonderful place,
where ideas and information are constantly traveling the boundless reaches,
for every person in it to share and learn. Some use CyberSpace to play the
"soap opera" game on tele-conference BBSs. Some use it to download the
latest pornographic .gifs to waste hard drive space and get a one minute
stand with their hand. Some people are above the rest, they play the
software piracy circuits and play games all day. Professing in the belief
that software theft is the highest plateau of data communications.
Then we come to the rarest breed of people in CyberSpace. The ones who are
aware of the importance to the cry, "KEEP THE INFORMATION FREE". They see
the government trying to put CyberSpace under federal control. They
realize the repercussions of such an action. They are the Hackers. The
ones who have been dubbed as "outlaws, criminals, and vandals". However,
we all know that the true definition of a Hacker is: A Person who sees
information as the greatest treasure. Information that should be free to
all who want to learn. But we know that in reality, information and truth
is kept from us at every turn.
The Sixth Column
If information is gold, then we are wealthy beyond the dreams of avarice.
We collect and distribute information that has been hidden from the
citizens of this great Nation. Information that some people don't want the
public to know about (the best kind, of course). Some of the information
that we provide is so unbelievable that most people tune it out. However,
everything is available for you to make up your own mind.
I read an article about a hacker's views on hackers. In it he stated that
there are few common traits linking hackers together. He also stated, "The
most significant trait of Hackers is a severe distrust of authority." As I
see it, that trait is the most important trait anyone could have. Do you
simply "believe" everything you are told? I doubt it.
The Sixth Column is based on our Constitutional right, "To Freedom Of
Speech and Expression". We are not the people who say, "Well..thats just
life," "What can you do?", and "I can't do anything". In a short amount of
time, we took a concept and turned it into reality to reach more people.
And that is just the beginning.
That's enough of preliminaries. We will now skim over some interesting
'tid bits of information that most people don't know about.
=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=
The following is just a few example of what we have discovered doing
research into a variety of subjects. Basically "questioning authority,"
and look at what we have found.
1. Income Taxes - Its VOLUNTARY!
a. The Fifth Amendment protects you from being a witness against
yourself. The 1040 can be used against you. Therefore you are
NOT REQUIRED to file.
b. You do not have a "taxable income"! Income is defined in the
Internal Revenue Code as "a corporate profit". WAGES are NEVER
MENTIONED in the IRC.
c. The IRS cites the law constantly. The Income Tax laws which
are based solely on the 16th Amendment. However, it has been
proven that the 16th Amendment was NEVER RATIFIED! It was
voted on 64-4 against.
d. Information on these points and more are available. The Media
has been proven to be controlled in respect to this issue. We
have many files on this subject. If you don't believe it, just
read a few texts for yourself. We guarantee you will be
shocked.
2. Driver's Licence & Registration
a. Its a contract. Its not mandatory.
b. The current vehicle code states, "All prior codes are still in
effect". They don't tell you in the current edition of the
codes, but in the older versions you will find that a Driver is
defined as "A person who uses the highways to haul freight or
passengers for profit". (By law, are you a driver?)
3. Social (In)Security
a. Indications show that the Social Security System will collapse
by 2006. Why?
b. For every dollar that is taken from your paycheck, the
government take a loan out on it. Ten dollars for every dollar
that you put in. Think of how much that means over the years
multiplied by how many people pay into it.
c. The money that you put in now is not going into a place set
aside for you when you retire. It goes directly to people who
are already retired. Because of the way they handled the
system, the gov't is taxing soc. sec. at about 50% and
increasing the (voluntary) income tax assessments on social
security earnings.
d. Information about this swindle and how you can drop out is
available.
=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=
That was just a small portion of the information we have accumulated. So
far we support information on the following topics.
1. IRS / TAX / Financial information files
2. Government Politics and Conspiracy information texts. Many texts on
what is happening to our Nation from all over the country.
3. AIDS - Is it man-made?
4. The Kennedy Assassination - Many texts on information you'll never
see in the Media or in history books.
5. And Much More!
As you read this, you know that President Clinton has officially gotten
tossed aside the Federal Vaseline and bent over America. More taxes, more
spending and more debt are the continuing factor in the way the government
runs the country.
We are a Nation OF, FOR, AND BY THE PEOPLE. The Government is supposed to
be subservient to the will of the people. We were not intended to be
controlled by the government.
=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=-=
That's all for now for our intro. We hope that you take the opportunity to
inspect our information before you make up your mind on any topic.
Grateful Thanks to the following people:
-Pazuzu, for all the wicked humor and all the wicked truths.
-Irwin Schiff, you paid a high price for telling the truth. We hope you
know that your information has shown people the truth.
-Thomas Jefferson, be glad you are dead, because if you saw how far this
Nation has sunk, you would have killed yourself.
-To all of The Photon Regulars, we are still out there.
-To all software pirates, thanks for reminding me that there are more
important things in life than getting high score.
Yours for Freedom,
The Sixth Column
[EOF]


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[ The Communist Manifesto, by Karl Marx and Frederick Engels. Reprinted in
its entirety with the exception of part III, a short polemic against certain
political groups of their time (1847) with whom Marx and Engels disagreed. ]
Manifesto of the Communist Party
A specter is haunting Europe -- the specter of Communism. All the
powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this
specter: Pope and Czar, Metternich and Guizot, French Radicals and German
police-spies.
Where is the party in opposition that has not been decried as
communistic by its opponents in power? Where the Opposition that has not
hurled back the branding reproach of Communism, against the more advanced
opposition parties, as well as against its reactionary adversaries?
Two things result from this fact:
I. Communism is already acknowledged by all European powers to be
itself a power.
II. It is high time that Communists should openly, in the face of the
whole world, publish their views, their aims, their tendencies, and meet this
nursery tale of the specter of Communism with a manifesto of the party itself.
To this end, Communists of various nationalities have assembled in
London, and sketched the following manifesto, to be published in the English,
French, German, Italian, Flemish, and Danish languages.
I. Bourgeois and Proletarians
The history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class
struggles. Freeman and slave, patrician and plebeian, lord and serf, guild-
master and journeyman, in a word, oppressor and oppressed, stood in constant
opposition to one another, carried on an uninterrupted, now hidden, now open
fight, a fight that each time ended, either in a revolutionary reconstitution
of society at large, or in the common ruin of the contending classes.
In the earlier epochs of history, we find almost everywhere a
complicated arrangement of society into various orders, a manifold gradation
of social rank. In ancient Rome we have patricians, knights, plebeians,
slaves; in the Middle Ages, feudal lords, vassals, guild-masters, journeymen,
apprentices, serfs; in almost all of these classes, again, subordinate
gradations.
The modern bourgeois society that has sprouted from the ruins of feudal
society, has not done away with class antagonisms. It has but established new
classes, new conditions of oppression, new forms of struggle in place of the
old ones.
Our epoch, the epoch of the bourgeoisie, possesses, however, this
distinctive feature: It has simplified the class antagonisms. Society as a
whole is more and more splitting up into two great hostile camps, into two
great classes directly facing each other -- bourgeoisie and proletariat.
From the serfs of the Middle Ages sprang the chartered burghers of the
earliest towns. From these burgesses the first elements of the bourgeoisie
were developed.
The discovery of America, the rounding of the Cape, opened up fresh
ground for the rising bourgeoisie. The East-Indian and Chinese markets, the
colonization of America, trade with the colonies, the increase in the means of
exchange and in commodities generally, gave to commerce, to navigation, to
industry, an impulse never before known, and thereby, to the revolutionary
element in the tottering feudal society, a rapid development.
The feudal system of industry, in which industrial production was
monopolized by closed guilds, now no longer sufficed for the growing wants of
the new markets. The manufacturing system took its place. The guild-masters
were pushed aside by the manufacturing middle class; division of labor between
the different corporate guilds vanished in the face of division of labor in
each single workshop.
Meantime the markets kept ever growing, the demand ever rising. Even
manufacture no longer sufficed. Thereupon, steam and machinery revolutionized
industrial production. The place of manufacture was taken by the giant,
modern industry, the place of the industrial middle class, by industrial
millionaires -- the leaders of whole industrial armies, the modern bourgeois.
Modern industry has established the world market, for which the
discovery of America paved the way. This market has given an immense
development to commerce, to navigation, to communication by land. This
development has, in its turn, reacted on the extension of industry; and in
proportion as industry, commerce, navigation, railways extended, in the same
proportion the bourgeoisie developed, increased its capital, and pushed into
the background every class handed down from the Middle Ages.
We see, therefore, how the modern bourgeoisie is itself the product of a
long course of developement, of a series of revolutions in the modes of
production and of exchange.
Each step in the development of the was accompanied by a corresponding
political advance of that class. An oppressed class under the sway of the
feudal nobility, it became an armed and self-governing association in the
medieval commune; here independent urban republic (as in Italy and Germany),
there taxable "third estate" of the monarchy (as in France); afterwards, in
the period of manufacture proper, serving either the semi-feudal or the
absolute monarchy as a counterpoise against the nobility, and, in fact, the
corner-stone of the great monarchies in general -- the bourgeoisie has at
last, since the establishment of modern industry and of the world market,
conquered for itself, in the modern representative state, exclusive political
sway. The executive of the modern state is but a committee for managing the
common affairs of the whole bourgeoisie.
The bourgeoisie has played a most revolutionary role in history.
The bourgeoisie, wherever it has got the upper hand, has put an end to
all feudal, patriarchal, idyllic relations. It has pitilessly torn asunder
the motley feudal ties that bound man to his "natural superiors," and has left
no other bond between man and man than naked self-interest, than callous "cash
payment." It has drowned the most heavenly ecstasies of religious fervor, of
chivalrous enthusiasm, of philistine sentimentalism, in the icy water of
egotistical calculation. It has resolved personal worth into exchange value,
and in place of the numberless indefeasible chartered freedoms, has set up
that single, unconscionable freedom -- Free Trade. In one word for
exploitation, veiled by religious and political illusions, it has substituted
naked, shameless, direct, brutal exploitation.
The bourgeoisie has stripped of its halo every occupation hitherto
honored and looked up to with reverent awe. It has converted the physician,
the lawyer, the priest, the poet, the man of science, into its paid wage-
laborers.
The bourgeoisie has torn away from the family its sentimental veil, and
has reduced the family relation to a mere money relation.
The bourgeoisie has disclosed how it came to pass that the brutal
display of vigor in the Middle Ages, which reactionaries so much admire, found
its fitting complement in the most slothful indolence. It has been the first
to show what man's activity can bring about. It has accomplished wonders far
surpassing Egyptian pyramids, Roman aqueducts, and Gothic cathedrals; it has
conducted expeditions that put in the shade all former migrations of nations
and crusades.
The bourgeoisie cannot exist without constantly revolutionizing the
instruments of production, and thereby the relations of production, and of
production in unaltered form, was, on the contrary, the first condition of
existence for all earlier industrial classes. Constant revolutionizing of
production, uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions, everlasting
uncertainty and agitation distinguish the bourgeois epoch from all earlier
ones. All fixed, fast-frozen relations, with their train of ancient and
venerable prejudices and opinions, are swept away, all new-formed ones become
antiquated before they can ossify. All that is solid melts into air, all that
is holy is profaned, and man is at last compelled to face with sober senses
his real conditions of life and his relations with his kind.
The need of a constantly expanding market for its products chases the
bourgeoisie over the whole surface of the globe. It must nestle everywhere,
settle everywhere, establish connections everywhere.
The bourgeoisie has through its exploitation of the world market given a
cosmopolitan character to production and consumption in every country. To the
great chagrin of reactionaries, it has drawn from under the feed of industry
the national ground on which it stood. All old-established national
industries have been destroyed or are daily being destroyed. They are
dislodged by new industries, whose introduction becomes a life and death
question for all civilized nations, by industries that no longer work up
indigenous raw material, but raw material drawn from the remotest zones;
industries whose products are consumed, not only at home, but in every quarter
of the globe. In place of the old wants, satisfied by the production of the
country, we find new wants, requiring for their satisfaction the products of
distant lands and climes. In place of the old local and national seclusion
and self-sufficiency, we have intercourse in every direction, universal inter-
dependence of nations. And as in material, so also in intellectual
production. The intellectual creations of individual nations become common
property. National one-sidedness and narrow-mindedness become more and more
impossible, and from the numerous national and local literatures there arises
a world literature.
The bourgeoisie, by the rapid improvement of all instruments of
production, by the immensely facilitated means of communication, draws all
nations, even the most barbarian, into civilization. The cheap prices of its
commodities are the heavy artillery with which it batters down all Chinese
walls, with which it forces the barbarians' intensely obstinate hatred of
foreigners to capitulate. It compels all nations, on pain of extinction, to
adopt the bourgeois mode of production; it compels them to introduce what it
calls civilization into their midst, i.e., to become bourgeois themselves. In
a word, it creates a world after its own image.
The bourgeoisie has subjected the country to the rules of the towns. It
has created the enormous cities, has greatly increased the urban population as
compared with the rural, and has thus rescued a considerable part of the
population from the idiocy of rural life. Just as it has made the country
dependent on the towns, so it has made the barbarian and semi-barbarian
countries dependent on the civilized ones, nations of peasants on nations of
bourgeois, the East on the West.
More and more the bourgeoisie keeps doing away with the scattered state
of the population, of the means of production, and of property. It has
agglomerated population, centralized the means of production, and has
concentrated property in a few hands. The necessary consequence of this was
political centralization. Independent, or but loosely connected provinces,
with separate interests, laws, governments and systems of taxation, became
lumped together into one nation, with one government, one code of laws, one
national class interest, one frontier and one customs tariff.
The bourgeoisie, during its rule of scarce one hundred years, has
created more massive and more colossal productive forces than have all
preceding generations together. Subjection of nature's forces to man,
machinery, application of chemistry to industry and agriculture, steam-
navigation, railways, electric telegraphs, clearing of whole continents for
cultivation, canalization of rivers, while populations conjured out of the
ground -- what earlier century had even a presentiment that such productive
forces slumbered in the lap of social labor?
We see then that the means of production and of exchange, which served
as the foundation for the growth of the bourgeoisie, were generated in feudal
society. At a certain stage in the development of these means of production
and of exchange, the conditions under which feudal society produced and
exchanged, the feudal organization of agriculture and manufacturing industry,
in a word, the feudal relations of property became no longer compatible with
the already developed productive forces; they became so many fetters. They
had to burst asunder; they were burst asunder.
Into their place stepped free competition, accompanied by a social and
political constitution adapted to it, and by the economic and political sway
of the bourgeois class.
A similar movement is going on before our own eyes. Modern bourgeois
society with its relations of production, of exchange and of property, a
society that hs conjured up such gigantic means of production and of exchange,
is like the sorcerer who is no longer able to control the powers of the nether
world whom he has called up by his spells. For many a decade past history of
industry and commerce is but the history of the revolt of modern productive
forces against the modern conditions of production, against the property
relations that are the conditions for the existence of the bourgeoisie and its
rule. It is enough to mention the commercial crises that by their periodical
return put the existence of the entire bourgeois society on trial, each time
more threateningly. In these crises a great part not only of the existing
products, but also of the previously created productive forces, are
periodically destroyed. In these crises there breaks out an epidemic that, in
all earlier epochs, would have seemed an absurdity -- the epidemic of over-
production. Society suddenly finds itself put back into a state of momentary
barbarism; it appears as if famine, a universal war of devastation had cut off
the supply of every means of subsistence; industry and commerce seem to be
destroyed. And why? Because there is too much civilization, too much means
of subsistence, too much industry, too much commerce. The productive forces
at the disposal of society no longer tend to further the development of the
conditions of bourgeois property; on the contrary, they have become too
powerful for these conditions, by which they are fettered, and no sooner do
they overcome these fetters than they bring disorder into the whole of
bourgeois society, endanger the existence of bourgeois property. The
conditions of bourgeois society are too narrow to comprise the wealth created
by them. And how does the bourgeoisie get over these crises? On the one hand
by enforced destruction of a mass of productive forces; on the other, by the
conquest of new markets, and by the more thorough exploitation of the old
ones. That is to say, by paving the way for more extensive and more
destructive crises, and by diminishing the means whereby crises are prevented.
The weapons with which the bourgeoisie felled feudalism to the ground
are now turned against the bourgeoisie itself.
But not only has the bourgeoisie forged the weapons that bring death to
itself; it has also called into existence the men who are to wield those
weapons -- the modern working class -- the proletarians.
In proportion as the bourgeoisie, i.e., capital, is developed, in the
same proportion is the proletariat, the modern working class, developed -- a
class of laborers, who live only so long as they find work, and who find world
only so long as their labor increases capital. These laborers, who must sell
themselves piecemeal, are a commodity, like every other article of commerce,
and are consequently exposed to all the vicissitudes of competition, to all
the fluctuations of the market.
Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labor, the
work of the proletarians has lost all individual character, and, consequently,
all charm for the workman. He becomes an appendage of the machine, and it is
only the most simple, most monotonous, and most easily acquired knack, that is
required of him. hence, the cost of production of a workman is restricted,
almost entirely, to the means of subsistence that he requires for his
maintenance, and for the propagation of his race. But the price of a
commodity, and therefore also of labor, is equal to its cost of production.
in proportion, therefore, as the repulsiveness of the work increases, the wage
decreases. Nay more, in proportion as the use of machinery and division of
labor increases, in the same proportion the burden of toil also increases,
whether by prolongation of the working hours, by increase of the work exacted
in a given time, or by increased speed of the machinery, etc.
Modern industry has converted the little workshop of the patriarchal
master into the great factory of the industrial capitalist. masses of
laborers, crowded into the factory, are organized like soldiers. As privates
of the industrial army they are placed under the command of a perfect
hierarchy of officers and sergeants. Not only are they slaves of the
bourgeois class, and of the bourgeois state; they are daily and hourly
enslaved by the machine, by the over-looker, and, above all, by the individual
bourgeois manufacturer himself. The more openly this despotism proclaims gain
to be its end and aim, the more petty, the more hateful and the more
embittering it is.
The less the skill and exertion of strength implied in manual labor, in
other words, the more modern industry develops, the more is the labor of men
superseded by that of women. Differences of age and sex have no longer any
distinctive social validity for the working class. All are instruments of
labor, more or less expensive to use, according to their age and sex.
No sooner has the laborer received his wages in cash, for the moment
escaping exploitation by the manufacturer, than he is set upon by the other
portions of the bourgeoisie, the landlord, the shopkeeper, the pawnbroker,
etc.
The lower strata of the middle class -- the small tradespeople,
shopkeepers, and retired tradesmen generally, the handicraftsmen and peasants
-- all these sink gradually into the proletariat, partly because their
diminutive capital does not suffice for the scale on which modern industry is
carried on, and is swamped in the competition with the large capitalists,
partly because their specialized skill is rendered worthless by new methods of
production. Thus the proletariat is recruited from all classes of the
population.
The proletariat goes through various stages of development. With the
birth begins its struggle with the bourgeoisie. At first the contest is
carried on by individual laborers, then by the work people of a factory, then
by the operatives of one trade, in one locality, against the individual
bourgeois who directly exploits them. They direct their attacks not against
the bourgeois conditions of production, but against the instruments of
production themselves; they destroy imported wares that compete with their
labor, they smash machinery to pieces, they set factories ablaze, they seek to
restore by force the vanished status of the workman of the Middle Ages.
At this stage the laborers still form an incoherent mass scattered over
the whole country, and broken up by their mutual competition. If anywhere
they unite to form more compact bodies, this is not yet the consequence of
their own active union, but the union of the bourgeoisie, which class, in
order to attain its own political ends, is compelled to set the whole
proletariat in motion, and is moreover still able to do so for a time. At
this stage, therefore, the proletarians do not fight their enemies, but the
enemies of their enemies, the remnants of absolute monarchy, the landowners,
the non-industrial bourgeois, the petty bourgeois. Thus the whole historical
movement is concentrated in the hands of the bourgeoisie; every victory so
obtained is a victory for the bourgeoisie.
But with the development of industry the proletariat not only increases
in number; it becomes concentrated in greater masses, its strength grows, and
it feels that strength more. The various interests and conditions of life
within the ranks of the proletariat are more and more equalized, in proportion
as machinery obliterates all distinctions of labor and nearly everywhere
reduces wages to the same low level. The growing competition among the
bourgeois and the resulting commercial crises, make the wages of the workers
ever more fluctuating. The unceasing improvement of machinery, ever more
rapidly developing, make their livelihood more and more precarious; the
collisions between individual workmen and individual bourgeois take more and
more the character of collisions between two classes. Thereupon the workers
begin to form combinations (trade unions) against the bourgeoisie; they club
together in order to keep up the rate of wages; they found permanent
associations in order to make provision beforehand for these occasional
revolts. Here and there the contest breaks out into riots.
Now and then the workers are victorious, but only for a time. The real
fruit of their battles lies, not in the immediate result, but in the ever
expanding union of the workers. This union is furthered by the improve means
of communication which are created by modern industry, and which place the
workers of different localities in contact with one another. It was just this
contact that was needed to centralize the numerous local struggles, all of the
same character, into one national struggle between classes. But every class
struggle is a political struggle. And that union, to attain which the
burghers of the Middle Ages, with their miserable highways, required
centuries, the modern proletarians, thanks to railways, achieve in a few
years.
This organization of the proletarians into a class, and consequently
into a political party, is continually being upset again by the competition
between the workers themselves. But it ever rises up again, stronger, firmer,
mightier. It compels legislative recognition of particular interests of the
workers, by taking advantage of the divisions among the bourgeoisie itself.
Thus the ten-hour bill in England was carried.
Altogether, collisions between the classes of the old society further
the course of development of the proletariat in many ways. The bourgeoisie
finds itself involved in a constant battle. At first with the aristocracy;
later on, with those portions of the bourgeoisie itself whose interests have
become antagonistic to the progress of industry; at all times with the
bourgeoisie of foreign countries. In all these battles it sees itself
compelled to appeal to the proletariat, to ask for its help, and thus, to drag
it into the political arena. The bourgeoisie itself, therefore, supplies the
proletariat with its own elements of political and general education, in other
words, it furnishes the proletariat with weapons for fighting the bourgeoisie.
Further, as we have already seen, entire sections of the ruling classes
are, by the advance of industry, precipitated into the proletariat, or are at
least threatened in their conditions of existence. These also supply the
proletariat with fresh elements of enlightenment and progress.
Finally, in times when the class struggle nears the decisive hour, the
process of dissolution going on within the ruling class, in fact within the
whole range of old society, assumes such a violent, glaring character, that a
small section of the ruling class cuts itself adrift, and joins the
revolutionary class, the class that holds the future in its hands. Just as,
therefore, at an earlier period, a section of the nobility went over to the
bourgeoisie, so now a portion of the bourgeois ideologists, who have raised
themselves to the level of comprehending theoretically the historical movement
as a whole.
Of all the classes that stand face to face with the bourgeoisie today,
the proletariat alone is a really revolutionary class. The other classes
decay and finally disappear in the face of modern industry; the proletariat is
its special and essential product.
The lower middle class, the small manufacturer, the shopkeeper, the
artisan, the peasant, all these fight against the bourgeoisie, to save from
extinction their existence as fractions of the middle class. They are
therefore not revolutionary, but conservative. Nay more, they are
reactionary, for they try to roll back the wheel of history. If by chance
they are revolutionary, they are so only in view of their impending transfer
into the proletariat; they thus defend not their present, but their future
interests; they desert their own standpoint to adopt that of the proletariat.
The "dangerous class," the social scum (Lumpenproletariat), that
passively rotting mass thrown off by the lowest layers of old society, may,
here and there, be swept into the movement by a proletarian revolution; its
conditions of life, however, prepare it far more for the part of a bribed tool
of reactionary intrigue.
The social conditions of the old society no longer exist for the
proletariat. The proletarian is without property; his relation to his wife
and children has no longer anything in common with the bourgeois family
relations; modern industrial labor, modern subjection to capital, the same in
England as in France, in America as in Germany, has stripped him of every
trace of national character. Law, morality, religion, are to him so many
bourgeois prejudices, behind which lurk in ambush just as many bourgeois
interests.
All the preceding classes that got the upper hand, sought to fortify
their already acquired status by subjecting society at large to their
conditions of appropriation. The proletarians cannot become masters of the
productive forces of society, except by abolishing their own previous mode of
appropriation, and thereby also every other previous mode of appropriation.
They have nothing of their own to secure and to fortify; their mission is to
destroy all previous securities for, and insurances of, individual property.
All previous historical movements were movements of minorities, or in
the interest of minorities. The proletarian movement is the self-conscious,
independent movement of the immense majority, in the interest of the immense
majority. The proletariat, the lowest stratum of our present society, cannot
stir, cannot raise itself up, without the whole superincumbent strata of
official society being sprung up into the air.
Though not in substance, yet in form, the struggle of the proletariat
with the bourgeoisie is at first a national struggle. The proletariat of each
country must, of course, first of all settle matters with its own bourgeoisie.
In depicting the most general phases of the development of the
proletariat, we traced the more or less veiled civil war, raging within
existing society, up to the point where that war breaks out into open
revolution, and where the violent overthrow of the bourgeoisie lays the
foundation for the sway of the proletariat.
Hitherto, every form of society has been based, as we have already seen,
on the antagonism of oppressing and oppressed classes. But in order to
oppress a class, certain conditions must be assured to it under which it can,
at least, continue its slavish existence. The serf, in the period of serfdom,
raised himself to membership in the commune, just as the petty bourgeois,
under the yoke of feudal absolutism, managed to develop into a bourgeois. The
modern laborer, on the contrary, instead of rising with the progress of
industry, sinks deeper and deeper below the conditions of existence of his own
class. He becomes a pauper, and it becomes evident, that the bourgeoisie is
unfit any longer to be the ruling class in society, and to impose its
conditions of existence upon society as an over-riding law. It is unfit to
rule because it cannot help letting him sink into such a state, that it has to
feed him, instead of being fed by him. Society can no longer live under the
bourgeoisie, in other words, its existence is no longer compatible with
society.
The essential condition for the existence and sway of the bourgeois
class, is the formation and augmentation of capital; the condition for capital
is wage-labor. Wage-labor rests exclusively on competition between the
laborers. The advance of industry, whose involuntary promoter is the
bourgeoisie, replaces the isolation of the laborers, due to competition, by
their revolutionary combination, due to association. The development of
modern industry, therefore, cuts from under its feet the very foundation on
which the bourgeoisie produces and appropriates products. What the
bourgeoisie therefore produces, above all, are its own grave-diggers. Its
fall and the victory of the proletariat are equally inevitable.
II. Proletarians and Communists
In what relation do the Communists stand to the proletarians as a whole?
The Communists do not form a separate party opposed to other working
class parties.
They have no interests separate and apart from those of the proletariat
as a whole.
They do not set up any sectarian principles of their own, by which to
shape and mold the proletarian movement.
The Communists are distinguished from the other working class parties by
this only: 1. in the national struggles of the proletarians of the different
countries, they point out and bring to the front the common interests of the
entire proletariat, independently of all nationality. 2. In the various
stages of development which the struggle of the working class against the
bourgeoisie has to pass through, they always and everywhere represent the
interests of the movement as a whole.
The Communists, therefore, are on the one hand, practically, the most
advanced and resolute section of the working class parties of every country,
that section which pushes forward all others; on the other hand,
theoretically, they have over the great mass of the proletariat the advantage
of clearly understanding the line of march, the conditions, and the ultimate
general results of the proletarian movement.
The immediate aim of the Communists is the same as that of all the other
proletarian parties: Formation of the proletariat into a class, overthrow of
bourgeois supremacy, conquest of political power by the proletariat.
The theoretical conclusions of the Communists are in no way based on
ideas or principles that have been invented, or discovered, by this or that
would-be universal reformer.
They merely express, in general terms, actual relations springing from
an existing class struggle, from a historical movement going on under our very
eyes. The abolition of existing property relations is not at all a
distinctive feature of Communism.
All property relations in the past have continually been subject to
historical change consequent upon the change in historical conditions.
The French Revolution, for example, abolished feudal property in favor
of bourgeois property.
The distinguishing feature of Communism is not the abolition of property
generally, but the abolition of bourgeois property. But modern bourgeois
private property is the final and most complete expression of the system of
producing and appropriating products that is based on class antagonisms, on
the exploitation of the many by the few.
In this sense, the theory of the Communists may be summed up in the
single sentence: Abolition of private property.
We Communists have been reproached with the desire of abolishing the
right of personally acquiring property as the fruit of a man's own labor,
which property is alleged to be the groundwork of all personal freedom,
activity and independence.
Hard-won, self-acquired, self-earned property! Do you mean the property
of the petty artisan and of the small peasant, a form of property that
preceded the bourgeois form? There is no need to abolish that, the
development of industry has to a great extent already destroyed it, and is
still destroying it daily.
Or do you mean modern bourgeois private property?
But does wage-labor create any property for the laborer? Not a bit. It
creates capital, i.e., that kind of property which exploits wage-labor, and
which cannot increase except upon the condition of begetting a new supply of
wage-labor for fresh exploitation. property, in it present form, is based on
the antagonism of capital and wage-labor. let us examine both sides of this
antagonism.
To be a capitalist, is to have not only a purely personal, but a social
status in production. Capital is a collective product, and only the united
action of many members, nay, in the last resort, only by the united action of
all members of society, can it be set in motion.
Capital is therefore not personal, it is a social, power.
When, therefore, capital is converted into common property, into the
property of all members of society, personal property is not thereby
transformed into social property. It is only the social character of the
property that is now changed. It loses its class character.
Let us now take wage-labor.
The average price of wage-labor is the minimum wage, i.e. that quantum
of the means of subsistence which is absolutely requisite to keep the laborer
in bare existence as a laborer. What, therefore, the wage-laborer
appropriates by means of his labor, merely suffices to prolong and reproduce a
bare existence. We by no means intend to abolish this personal appropriation
of the products of labor, an appropriation that is made for the maintenance
and reproduction of human life, and that leaves no surplus wherewith to
command the labor of others. All that we want to do away with is the
miserable character of this appropriation, under which the laborer lives
merely to increase capital, and is allowed to live only insofar as the
interest of the ruling class requires it.
In bourgeois society, living labor is but a means to increase
accumulated labor. In Communist society, accumulated labor is but a means to
widen, to enrich, to promote the existence of the laborer.
In bourgeois society, therefore, the pas dominates the present; in
Communist society, the present dominates the past. In bourgeois society
capital is independent and has individuality, while the living person is
dependent and has no individuality.
And the abolition of this state of things is called by the bourgeoisie,
abolition of individuality and freedom! And rightly so. The abolition of
bourgeois individuallity, bourgeois independence, and bourgeois freedom is
undoubtedly aimed at.
By freedom is meant, under the present bourgeois conditions of
production, free trade, free selling and buying.
But if selling and buying disappears, free selling and buying disappears
also. This talk about free selling and buying, and all the other "brave
words" of our bourgeoisie about freedom in general, have a meaning, if any,
only in contrast with restricted selling and buying, with the fettered traders
of the Middle Ages, but have no meaning when opposed to the Communist
abolition of buying and selling, of the bourgeois conditions of production,
and of the bourgeoisie itself.
You are horrified at our intending to do away with private property.
But in your existing society, private property is already done away with for
nine-tenths of the population; its existence for the few is solely due to its
non-existence in the hands of the nine-tenths. You reproach us, therefore,
with intending to do away with a form of property, the necessary condition for
whose existence is the non-existence of any property for the immense majority
of society.
In a word, you reproach us with intending to do away with your property.
Precisely so; that is just what we intend.
From the moment when labor can no longer be converted into capital,
money, or rent, into a social power capable of being monopolized, i.e., from
the moment when individual property can no longer be transformed into
bourgeois property, into capital, from that moment, you say, individuality
vanishes.
You must, therefore, confess that by "individual" you mean no other
person than the bourgeois, than the middle class owner of property. This
person must, indeed, be swept out of the way, and made impossible.
Communism deprives no man of the power to appropriate the products of
society; all that it does is to deprive him of the power to subjugate the
labor of others by means of such appropriation.
It has been objected, that upon the abolition of private property all
work will cease, and universal laziness will overtake us.
According to this, bourgeois society ought long ago to have gone to the
dogs through sheer idleness; for those of its members who work, acquire
noting, and those who acquire anything, do not work. The whole of this
objection is but another expression of the tautology: There can no longer be
any wage-labor when there is no longer any capital.
All objections urged against the Communist mode of producing and
appropriating material products, have, in the same way, been urged against the
Communist modes of producing and appropriating intellectual products. Just
as, to the bourgeois, the disappearance of class property is the disappearance
of production itself, so the disappearance of class culture is to him
identical with the disappearance of all culture.
That culture, the loss of which he laments is, for the enormous
majority, a mere training to act as a machine.
But don't wrangle with us so long as you apply, to our intended
abolition of bourgeois property, the standard of your bourgeois notions of
freedom, culture, law, etc. Your very ideas are but the outgrowth of the
conditions of your bourgeois production and bourgeois property, just as your
jurisprudence is but the will of your class made into a law for all, a will
whose essential character are determined by the economic conditions of
existence of your class.
The selfish misconception that induces you to transform into eternal
laws of nature and of reason, the social forms springing from your present
mode of production and form of property -- historical relations that rise and
disappear in the progress of production -- this misconception you share with
every ruling class that has preceded you. What you see clearly in the case of
ancient property, what you admit in the case of feudal property, you are of
course forbidden to admit in the case of your own bourgeois form of property.
Abolition of the family! Even the most radical flare up at this
infamous proposal of the Communists.
On what foundation is the present family, the bourgeois family, based?
On capital, on private gain. In its completely developed form this family
exists only among the bourgeoisie. But this state of things finds its
complement in the practical absence of the family among the proletarians, and
in public prostitution.
The bourgeois family will vanish as a matter of course when its
complement vanishes, and both will vanish with the vanishing of capital.
Do you charge us with wanting to stop the exploitation of children by
their parents? To this crime we plead guilty.
But, you will say, we destroy the most hallowed of relations, when we
replace home education by social.
And your education! Is not that also social, and determined by the
social conditions under which you educate, by the intervention of society,
dire or indirect, by means of schools, etc.? The Communists have not invented
the intervention of society in education; they do but seek to alter the
character of that intervention, and to rescue education from the influence of
the ruling class.
The bourgeois claptrap about the family and education, about the
hallowed co-relation of parent and child, becomes all the more disgusting, the
more, by the action of modern industry, all family ties among the proletarians
are torn asunder, and their children are transformed into simple articles of
commerce and instruments of labor.
But you Communists would introduce community of women, screams the whole
of the bourgeoisie in chorus.
The bourgeois sees in his wife a mere instrument of production. He
hears that the instruments of production are to be exploited in common, and,
naturally, can come to no other conclusion than that the lot of being common
to all will likewise fall to the women.
He has not even a suspicion that the real point aimed at is to do away
with the status of women as mere instruments of production.
For the rest, noting is more ridiculous than the virtuous indignation of
our bourgeois at the community of women which, they pretend, is to be openly
and officially established by the Communists. The Communists have no need to
introduce community of women; it has existed almost from time immemorial.
Our bourgeois, not content with having the wives and daughters of their
proletarians at their disposal, not to speak of common prostitutes, take the
greatest pleasure in seducing each other's wives.
Bourgeois marriage is in reality a system of wives in common and thus,
at the most, what the Communists might possibly be reproached with is that
they desire to introduce, in substitution for a hypocritically concealed, an
openly legalized community of women. For the rest, it is self-evident, that
the abolition of the present system of production must bring with it the
abolition of the community of women springing from that system, i.e., of
prostitution in both public and private.
The Communists are further reproached with desiring to abolish countries
and nationality.
The workingmen have no country. We cannot take from them what they have
not got. Since the proletariat must first of all acquire political supremacy,
must rise to be the leading class of the nation, must constitute itself the
nation, it is, so far, itself national, though not in the bourgeois sense of
the word.
National differences and antagonisms between peoples are vanishing
gradually from day to day, owing to the development of the bourgeoisie, to
freedom of commerce, to the world market, to uniformity in the mode of
production and in the conditions of life corresponding thereto.
The supremacy of the proletariat will cause them to vanish still faster.
united action, of the leading civilized countries at least, is one of the
first conditions for the emancipation of the proletariat.
In proportion as the exploitation of one individual by another is put an
end to, the exploitation of one nation by another will also be put an end to.
In proportion as the antagonism between classes within the nation vanishes,
the hostility of one nation to another will come to an end.
The charges against Communism made from a religious, a philosophical,
and, generally, from an ideological standpoint, are not deserving of serious
examination.
Does it require deep intuition to comprehend that man's ideas, views,
and conceptions, in one word, man's consciousness, changes with every change
in the conditions of his material existence, in his social relations and in
his social life?
What else does the history of ideas prove, than that intellectual
production changes its character in proportion as material production is
changed? The ruling ideas of each age have ever been the ideas of its ruling
class.
When people speak of ideas that revolutionize society, they do but
express the fact that within the old society the elements of a new one have
been created, and that the dissolution of the old ideas keeps even pace with
the dissolution of the old conditions of existence.
When the ancient world was in its last throes, the ancient religions
were overcome by Christianity. When Christian ideas succumbed in the 18th
century to rationalist ideas, feudal society fought its death-battle with the
then revolutionary bourgeoisie. The ideas of religious liberty and freedom of
conscience, merely gave expression to the sway of free competition within the
domain of knowledge.
"Undoubtedly," it will be said, "religion, moral, philosophical and
juridical ideas have been modified in the course of historical development.
But religion, morality, philosophy, political science, and law, constantly
survived this change.
"There are, besides, eternal truths, such as Freedom, Justice, etc.,
that are common to all states of society. But Communism abolishes eternal
truths, it abolishes all religion, and all morality, instead of constituting
them on a new basis; it therefore acts in contradiction to all pas historical
experience."
What does this accusation reduce itself to? The history of all past
society has consisted in the development of class antagonisms, antagonisms
that assumed different forms at different epochs.
But whatever form they may have taken, one fact is common to all past
ages, viz., the exploitation of one part of society by the other no wonder,
then, that the social consciousness of past ages, despite all the multiplicity
and variety it displays, moves with certain common forms, or general ideas,
which cannot completely vanish except with the total disappearance of class
antagonisms.
The Communist revolution is the most radical rupture with traditional
property relations; no wonder that its development involves the most radical
rupture with traditional ideas.
But let us have done with the bourgeois objections to Communism.
We have seen above, that the first step in the revolution by the working
class, is to raise the proletariat to the position of ruling class, to
establish democracy.
The proletariat will use its political supremacy to wrest, by degrees,
all capital from the bourgeoisie, to centralize all instruments of production
in the hands of the state, i.e. of the proletariat organized as the ruling
class; and to increase the total of productive forces as rapidly as possible.
Of course, in the beginning, this cannot be effected except by means of
despotic inroads on the rights of property, and on the conditions of bourgeois
production; by means of measures, therefore, which appear economically
insufficient and untenable, but which, in the course of the movement, outstrip
themselves, necessitate further inroads upon the old social order, and are
unavoidable as a means of entirely revolutionizing the mode of production.
These measures will of course be different in different countries.
Nevertheless in the most advanced countries, the following will be
pretty generally applicable.
1. Abolition of property in land and application of all rents of land to
public purposes.
2. A heavy progressive or graduated income tax.
3. Abolition of all right of inheritance.
4. Confiscation of the property of all emigrants and rebels.
5. Centralization of credit in the hands of the state, by means of a
national bank with state capital and an exclusive monopoly.
6. Centralization of the means of communication and transport in the hands
of the state.
7. Extension of factories and instruments of production owned by the state;
the bringing into cultivation of waste lands, and the improvement of the
soil generally in accordance with a common plan.
8. Equal obligation of all to work. Establishment of industrial armies,
especially for agriculture.
9. Combination of agriculture with manufacturing industries; gradual
abolition of the distinction between town and country, by a more equable
distribution of population over the country.
10. Free education for all children in public schools. Abolition of child
factory labor in its present form. Combination of education with
industrial production, etc.
When, in the course of development, class distinctions have disappeared,
and all production has been concentrated in the hands of a vast association of
the whole nation, the public power will lose its political character.
Political power, properly so called, is merely the organized power of one
class for oppressing another. If the proletariat during its contest with the
bourgeoisie is compelled, by the force of circumstances, to organize itself as
a class; if, by means of a revolution, it makes itself the ruling class, and,
as such sweeps away by force the old conditions of production, then it will,
along with these conditions, have swept away the conditions for the existence
of class antagonisms, and of classes generally, and will thereby have
abolished its own supremacy as a class.
In place of the old bourgeois society, with its classes and class
antagonisms, we shall have an association, in which the free development of
each is the condition for the free development of all....
[ Section III is omitted. ]
IV. Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Existing
Opposition Parties
Section II has made clear the relations of the Communists to the
existing working class parties, such as the Chartists in England and the
Agrarian Reformers in America.
The Communists fight for the attainment of the immediate aims, for the
enforcement of the momentary interests of the working class; but in the
movement of the present, they also represent and take care of the future of
that movement. In France the Communists ally themselves with the Social-
Democrats, against the conservative and radical bourgeoisie, reserving,
however, the right to take up a critical position in regard to phrases and
illusions traditionally handed down from the great Revolution.
In Switzerland they support the Radicals, without losing sight of the
fact that this party consists of antagonistic elements, partly of Democratic
Socialists, in the French sense, partly of radical bourgeois.
In Poland they support the party that insists on an agrarian revolution
as the prime condition for national emancipation, that party which fomented
the insurrection of Cracow in 1846.
In Germany they fight with the bourgeoisie whenever it acts in a
revolutionary way, against the absolute monarchy, the feudal squirearchy, and
the petty bourgeoisie.
But they never cease, for a single instant, to instill into the working
class the clearest possible recognition of the hostile antagonism between
bourgeoisie and proletariat, in order that the German workers may straightway
use, as so many weapons against the bourgeoisie, the social and political
conditions that the bourgeoisie must necessarily introduce along with its
supremacy, and in order that, after the fall of the reactionary classes in
Germany, the fight against the bourgeoisie itself may immediately begin.
The Communists turn their attention chiefly to Germany, because that
country is on the eve of a bourgeois revolution that is bound to be carried
out under more advanced conditions of European civilization and with a much
more developed proletariat than what existed in England in the 17th and in
France in the 18th century, and because the bourgeois revolution in Germany
will be but the prelude to an immediately following proletarian revolution.
In short, the Communists everywhere support every revolutionary movement
against the existing social and political order of things.
In all these movements they bring to the front, as the leading question
in each case, the property question, no matter what its degree of development
at the time.
Finally, they labor everywhere for the union and agreement of the
democratic parties of all countries.
The Communists disdain to conceal their views and aims. They openly
declare that their ends can be attained only by the forcible overthrow of all
existing social conditions. Let the ruling classes tremble at a Communist
revolution. The proletarians have nothing to lose but their chains. They
have a world to win.
Workingmen of all countries, unite!

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Newsgroups: alt.conspiracy
From: ajteel@dendrite.cs.Colorado.EDU (A.J. Teel)
Subject: Re: Enforcement of Early Common Law
Message-ID: <1993Mar17.024330.14586@colorado.edu>
Organization: Universtiy of Coloardo, Boulder
Date: Wed, 17 Mar 1993 02:43:30 GMT
Lines: 263
>So are you calling for a return to trial by ordeal? Why do you find
>millenium-old common law so desireable?
Why do you find our "new" statutory law so desirable? So where
did you get the idea that Common-Law is "trial by ordeal"? Is small
claims court, "trial by ordeal"? This Common-Law was the ONLY LAW when
the Const. was created and it WAS ONLY CREATED TO LIMIT THE POWERS
OF GOVERNMENT.
Compare the idea of "Common-Law" which is what the Constitution *for*
the United States of America is BASED UPON and the corrupt, politically
expedient "statutory" or "Vice-Admiralty" law that was never the intention
of the framers of the Const.
Please, please place me in your kill file or read the items I am
posting, one or the other. Thanks. I do look forward to THOUGHTFUL
discussions with you in the future.
+=============================================================================+
| D I S C L A I M E R |
+------------------------------------oooOooo----------------------------------+
| The sender of this message is not responsible for and does not necessarily |
| agree with the content or opinions contained herein. Mail will be forwarded |
| to the source identified, if any. This is for "information purposes only", |
| has not necessarily been verified or tested in any way, and "should not be |
| construed as legal advise". Your comments and responses are encouraged. |
| Please Email to "ajteel@dendrite.cs.colorado.EDU" instead of replying here. |
| With Explicit Reservation of All Rights, UCC 1-207, A. J. Teel, Sui Juris. |
+=============================================================================+
[START OF DOCUMENT: fl870402.txt.lis ]
How We Lost Our Common Law Heritage
by Richard J. Maybury
Two Kinds of Law
As a public school teacher and economic textbook writer, I saw that
government control of the school system causes a "chilling" effect.
Teachers and textbook publishers are reluctant to teach anything that might
raise the eyebrows of the bureaucrats.
Any serious criticism of government is omitted from the student's lessons.
Huge amounts of vitally important information about law and political power
are not passed on to the next generation.
Because of this chilling effect, Americans are no longer taught that there
are two kinds of legal systems, political and scientific.
Many of America's "Founding Fathers" in 1776 were lawyers, and they took
care to insure that their new country would be founded on the principles of
scientific law. But these principles have now been swept from the legal
system, and from the schools and colleges. What we are taught today is
political law.
To understand the differences between a scientific legal system and a
political one, it is necessary to know how scientific law developed.
Scientific Jurisprudence.
Fifteen centuries ago the Roman Empire had collapsed. Barbarians had
overrun Europe and set up feudal governments.
These feudal governments were bloodthirsty and brutal, but they had one
virtue: they were lazy. They had little interest in the day-to-day
affairs of the common people. as long as the commoners paid taxes and
fought wars, their new governments left them alone.
This meant in many kingdoms there were no government court systems.
Whenever two individuals had a dispute, they had to work it out on their
own. We can imagine what happened. Disputes often led to brawls or worse.
After several bloody incidents, the commoners would begin looking for ways
to avoid violence. When two individuals had a dispute, their families and
friends would gather round and tell them to find some neutral third party
to listen to their stories and make a decision.
Legal historians tell us the most highly respected and neutral third party
in the community was usually a clergyman. The disputants would be brought
before this clergyman and he would listen to both sides of the story. The
clergyman would then consult moral guidelines, and make a decision. This
decision would become a precedent for later decisions.
As decades passed, the precedents were written down and kept in a safe
place. Persons who were not too clear about how to handle an unusual
business transaction or some other sticky matter could consult them to
better plan ahead and avoid problems.
Eventually, some of the clergymen became so skilled at listening to cases
that they acquired considerable prestige. Demand for their services grew,
and they became full-time judges. The body of precedents they produced
became the law of common useage, the "common law".
In its early years, common law was a private legal system completely
independent of government. This is important. Students are taught that
law and government are virtually the same thing, but this is quite wrong.
Law and government are two very different institutions and they do not
necessarily go together. Law is a service; government is force.
Two Fundamental Laws
A major problem a common law judge encountered was disputes between persons
from different communities or of different religions. Guidelines on which
cases were decided had to be those which all persons held in common.
There are two fundamental laws on which all major religions and
philosophies agree: (1) do what you have agreed to do, and, (2) do not
encroach on others or their property.
Common law was the body of definitions and procedures growing out of these
two laws: "Do what you have agreed to do" was the basis of contract law;
"do not encroach on others or their property" was the basis of criminal and
tort law.
This is how common law became the source of all our basic laws against
theft, fraud, kidnapping, murder, etc. These acts were not made illegal by
Congress; they were prohibited by centuries-old common law principles.
Legal Consistency
A skilled common law judge would try to make all his decisions logically
consistent with the two fundamental laws. Common law was not only a
private legal system, it was a scientific one. Abraham Lincoln considered
`Euclid's Geometry' to be one of his most important law books; he studied
it to be sure the logic of his cases was airtight.
One of the most important characteristics of common law was its certainty.
It had evolved very carefully over many centuries, changing little from one
decade to the next. The two fundamental laws remained always in place, a
stabilizing force. The community could expect their legal environment to
remain reasonably orderly.
In fact, common law was so logical and sensible that the typical American
could study and understand it! It was regarded as a source of wisdom.
The great British statesman Edmund Burke said of early America, "In no
country, perhaps, in the world, is law so general a study." He observed
that "all who read, and most do read, endeavor to obtain some smattering in
that science. I have been told by an eminent bookseller, that in no branch
of his business ... were so many books as those on law exported to the
colonies."
A British general trying to govern America in the 1700s complained that
Americans were impossible to buffalo; they were all lawyers.
Political Law
Political law is the opposite of common law. Based on political power --
brute force -- not on the two fundamental laws. It is crude and primitive.
It has no requirement for logic or morality. It changes whenever the
political wind changes. Fickle and tangled; no one can completely
understand it.
Democracy or dictatorship, it doesn't matter; political law is arbitrary.
You do whatever the powerholders say, or else. Right or wrong.
This is why majority rule is mob rule. The majority is as human as any
dictator. Like the dictator, they do not necessarily vote for what is
right; they vote for what they want.
Their wants change constantly, so political power destroys businessmen's
ability to plan ahead. James Madison asked in the `Federalist Papers',
"What prudent merchant will hazard his fortunes in any new branch of
commerce when he knows not that his plans may be rendered unlawful before
they can be executed?"
The American Revolution was fought over the difference between scientific
law and political law. Government officials had encroached into the
private business, lives, and property of the colonists, and the colonists
resented this. "All men are created equal". God has given no one special
permission to encroach on others, government included.
The leaders of the American revolution believed common law was superior to
political law. After the revolution, they created the Bill of Rights and
other documents based on common law principles. The goal was to make the
superiority of these principles permanent, and to restrain government's
efforts efforts otherwise.
Discovery vs. Enactment
The founder's understanding of the scientific nature of common law can be
seen in this statement by Thomas Paine: "Man cannot make principles, he
can only discover them."
Common law was a process of discovery: There were courts before there was
law.
The premise of common law was that there is a Higher Law than political
law; the judges tried to discover and apply this Law. It was carefully,
logically, worked out, case after case, century after century, much like
the laws of physics or chemistry.
Political law is an enactment process. Legislators -- lawmakers -- make
changes according to whatever political pressures they happen to be feeling
at the moment. Something that seems right today can be very wrong
tomorrow. In fact, under political law the frequent redefining of right
and wrong is considered necessary; during re-election lawmakers proudly
boast of the number of new laws they have enacted.
In short, we now live in a world where it is assumed politicians have some
divine power to make law. In 1788, Patrick Henry realized this could
happen. During his struggle to prevent creation of a federal government he
warned that "Congress, from their general powers, may fully go into the
business of human legislation." Henry's warning was ignored, of course,
and today's burdensomely insane legal system is the consequence.
`Business Week' says that each year in the U.S. there are more than 100,000
new laws, rules and regulations enacted. This is a primary reason the
economy is a shambles. Tax rates, money supply, trade restrictions,
licensing laws, and thousands of other factors are stirred around in a
witch's brew of regulation.
Much of this brew is lunacy. In `The Trenton Pickle Ordinance and Other
Bonehead Legislation', newsman Dick Hyman cites 600 examples of our
political law. In Massachusetts, says Hyman, it is illegal to put tomatoes
in clam chowder. [The FOUNDATION Editorial Staff agrees that some stern
measures are necessary in this instance.] A Texas law says that when two
trains meet at a railroad crossing, each shall come to a full stop and
neither shall proceed until the other has gone. The Arkansas legislature
once enacted a law forbidding the Arkansas River to rise higher than a
certain limit.
Go back and reread Edmund Burke's remark about our forefather's study of
law. Notice Burke refers to law as a science. Would any sane person today
call our law a science?
Observe Hong Cong. A magnet for Red China's impoverished victims of
socialism. This city is often cited as a model of free-market
effectiveness; it's one of the most prosperous cities in Asia, yet most in
Hong Kong know nothing of free-market economics. The city's legal system
just happens to be based on British common law principles.
Common law was not perfect, but it was consciously aimed in a specific
direction; that of truth and justice. Political law has no aim at all,
other than to obtain and use political power for whatever purposes the
powerholders decide. Common law historically has had strong popular
support, indeed it was the principle upon which this country was founded.
It weathered continuous political assault until the politically
manufactured exigencies of the New Deal finally overwhelmed it.
Liberty vs. Permission
We free-market advocates should bear in mind that under political law
people have no genuine liberties; only permissions. We do not have freedom
of speech -- we have permission to speak. We do not have freedom to trade
-- we have licensed permission to trade. These permissions can be
restricted or revoked at the whim of the powerholders. Indeed, under
political law we really have no more political liberty than do the Soviets;
just more permissions at the moment.
Under scientific law, the individual's fundamental rights to life, liberty,
and property were held to be gifts granted by the Creator; they could not
be infringed. Says Arthur R. Hogue in `Origins of the Common Law', "The
common law is marked by a doctrine of the supremacy of law ... All agencies
of government must act upon established principles ... The king, like his
subjects, was under the law."
Our attempt to rescue civilization will fail if we continue living under
political law. Even if hundreds of reforms are enacted, the next group of
politicians can easily use political law to overturn them.
[Edited from `Freedom League Newsletter', Apr/May 1987]
[END OF DOCUMENT: fl870402.txt.lis ]

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++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++
LEGAL OVERVIEW
THE ELECTRONIC FRONTIER AND THE BILL OF RIGHTS
Advances in computer technology have brought us to a new frontier in
communications, where the law is largely unsettled and woefully
inadequate to deal with the problems and challenges posed by electronic
technology. How the law develops in this area will have a direct impact
on the electronic communications experiments and innovations being
devised day in and day out by millions of citizens on both a large and
small scale from coast to coast. Reasonable balances have to be struck
among:
% traditional civil liberties
% protection of intellectual property
% freedom to experiment and innovate
% protection of the security and integrity of computer
systems from improper governmental and private
interference.
Striking these balances properly will not be easy, but if they are
struck too far in one direction or the other, important social and legal
values surely will be sacrificed.
Helping to see to it that this important and difficult task is done
properly is a major goal of the Electronic Frontier Foundation. It is
critical to assure that these lines are drawn in accordance with the
fundamental constitutional rights that have protected individuals from
government excesses since our nation was founded -- freedom of speech,
press, and association, the right to privacy and protection from
unwarranted governmental intrusion, as well as the right to procedural
fairness and due process of law.
The First Amendment
The First Amendment to the United States Constitution prohibits the
government from "abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press," and
guarantees freedom of association as well. It is widely considered to
be the single most important of the guarantees contained in the Bill of
Rights, since free speech and association are fundamental in securing
all other rights.
The First Amendment throughout history has been challenged by every
important technological development. It has enjoyed only a mixed record
of success. Traditional forms of speech -- the print media and public
speaking -- have enjoyed a long and rich history of freedom from
governmental interference. The United States Supreme Court has not
afforded the same degree of freedom to electronic broadcasting,
however.
Radio and television communications, for example, have been subjected to
regulation and censorship by the Federal Communications Commission
(FCC), and by the Congress. The Supreme Court initially justified
regulation of the broadcast media on technological grounds -- since
there were assumed to be a finite number of radio and television
frequencies, the Court believed that regulation was necessary to prevent
interference among frequencies and to make sure that scarce resources
were allocated fairly. The multiplicity of cable TV networks has
demonstrated the falsity of this "scarce resource" rationale, but the
Court has expressed a reluctance to abandon its outmoded approach
without some signal from Congress or the FCC.
Congress has not seemed overly eager to relinquish even
counterproductive control over the airwaves. Witness, for example,
legislation and rule-making in recent years that have kept even
important literature, such as the poetry of Allen Ginsberg, from being
broadcast on radio because of language deemed "offensive" to regulators.
Diversity and experimentation have been sorely hampered by these rules.
The development of computer technology provides the perfect opportunity
for lawmakers and courts to abandon much of the distinction between the
print and electronic media and to extend First Amendment protections to
all communications regardless of the medium. Just as the multiplicity
of cable lines has rendered obsolete the argument that television has to
be regulated because of a scarcity of airwave frequencies, so has the
ready availability of virtually unlimited computer communication
modalities made obsolete a similar argument for harsh controls in this
area. With the computer taking over the role previously played by the
typewriter and the printing press, it would be a constitutional disaster
of major proportions if the treatment of computers were to follow the
history of regulation of radio and television, rather than the history
of freedom of the press.
To the extent that regulation is seen as necessary and proper, it should
foster the goal of allowing maximum freedom, innovation and
experimentation in an atmosphere where no one's efforts are sabotaged by
either government or private parties. Regulation should be limited by
the adage that quite aptly describes the line that separates reasonable
from unreasonable regulation in the First Amendment area: "Your liberty
ends at the tip of my nose."
As usual, the law lags well behind the development of technology. It is
important to educate lawmakers and judges about new technologies, lest
fear and ignorance of the new and unfamiliar, create barriers to free
communication, expression, experimentation, innovation, and other such
values that help keep a nation both free and vigorous.
The Fourth Amendment
The Fourth Amendment guarantees that "the right of the people to
be secure in their persons, houses, papers, and effects, against
unreasonable searches and seizures, shall not be violated, and no
Warrants shall issue, but upon probable cause, supported by Oath
or affirmation, and particularly describing the place to be
searched, and the persons or things to be seized."
In short, the scope of the search has to be as narrow as
possible, and there has to be good reason to believe that the
search will turn up evidence of illegal activity.
The meaning of the Fourth Amendment's guarantee has evolved over time in
response to changing technologies. For example, while the Fourth
Amendment was first applied to prevent the government from trespassing
onto private property and seizing tangible objects, the physical
trespass rationale was made obsolete by the development of electronic
eavesdropping devices which permitted the government to "seize" an
individual's words without ever treading onto that person's private
property. To put the matter more concretely, while the drafters of the
First Amendment surely knew nothing about electronic databases, surely
they would have considered one's database to be as sacrosanct as, for
example, the contents of one's private desk or filing cabinet.
The Supreme Court responded decades ago to these types of technological
challenges by interpreting the Fourth Amendment more broadly to prevent
governmental violation of an individual's reasonable expectation of
privacy, a concept that transcended the narrow definition of one's
private physical space. It is now well established that an individual
has a reasonable expectation of privacy, not only in his or her home
and business, but also in private communications. Thus, for example:
% Government wiretapping and electronic eavesdropping are now limited
by state and federal statutes enacted to effectuate and even to expand
upon Fourth Amendment protections.
% More recently, the Fourth Amendment has been used, albeit with
limited success, to protect individuals from undergoing certain random
mandatory drug testing imposed by governmental authorities.
Advancements in technology have also worked in the opposite direction,
to diminish expectations of privacy that society once considered
reasonable, and thus have helped limit the scope of Fourth Amendment
protections. Thus, while one might once have reasonably expected
privacy in a fenced-in field, the Supreme Court has recently told us
that such an expectation is not reasonable in an age of surveillance
facilitated by airplanes and zoom lenses.
Applicability of Fourth Amendment to computer media
Just as the Fourth Amendment has evolved in response to changing
technologies, so it must now be interpreted to protect the reasonable
expectation of privacy of computer users in, for example, their
electronic mail or electronically stored secrets. The extent to which
government intrusion into these private areas should be allowed, ought
to be debated openly, fully, and intelligently, as the Congress seeks to
legislate in the area, as courts decide cases, and as administrative,
regulatory, and prosecutorial agencies seek to establish their turf.
One point that must be made, but which is commonly misunderstood, is
that the Bill of Rights seeks to protect citizens from privacy invasions
committed by the government, but, with very few narrow exceptions, these
protections do not serve to deter private citizens from doing what the
government is prohibited from doing. In short, while the Fourth
Amendment limits the government's ability to invade and spy upon private
databanks, it does not protect against similar invasions by private
parties. Protection of citizens from the depredations of other citizens
requires the passage of privacy legislation.
The Fifth Amendment
The Fifth Amendment assures citizens that they will not "be deprived of
life, liberty, or property, without due process of law" and that private
property shall not "be taken for public use without just compensation."
This Amendment thus protects both the sanctity of private property and
the right of citizens to be proceeded against by fair means before they
may be punished for alleged infractions of the law.
One aspect of due process of law is that citizens not be prosecuted for
alleged violations of laws that are so vague that persons of reasonable
intelligence cannot be expected to assume that some prosecutor will
charge that his or her conduct is criminal. A hypothetical law, for
example, that makes it a crime to do "that which should not be done",
would obviously not pass constitutional muster under the Fifth
Amendment. Yet the application of some existing laws to new situations
that arise in the electronic age is only slightly less problematic than
the hypothetical, and the Electronic Frontier Foundation plans to
monitor the process by which old laws are modified, and new laws are
crafted, to meet modern situations.
One area in which old laws and new technologies have already clashed and
are bound to continue to clash, is the application of federal criminal
laws against the interstate transportation of stolen property. The
placement on an electronic bulletin board of arguably propriety computer
files, and the "re-publication" of such material by those with access to
the bulletin board, might well expose the sponsor of the bulletin board
as well as all participants to federal felony charges, if the U.S.
Department of Justice can convince the courts to give these federal laws
a broad enough reading. Similarly, federal laws protecting against
wiretapping and electronic eavesdropping clearly have to be updated to
take into account electronic bulletin board technology, lest those who
utilize such means of communication should be assured of reasonable
privacy from unwanted government surveillance.
Summary
The problem of melding old but still valid concepts of constitutional
rights, with new and rapidly evolving technologies, is perhaps best
summed up by the following observation. Twenty-five years ago there was
not much question but that the First Amendment prohibited the government
from seizing a newspaper's printing press, or a writer's typewriter, in
order to prevent the publication of protected speech. Similarly, the
government would not have been allowed to search through, and seize,
one's private papers stored in a filing cabinet, without first
convincing a judge that probable cause existed to believe that evidence
of crime would be found.
Today, a single computer is in reality a printing press, typewriter, and
filing cabinet (and more) all wrapped up in one. How the use and output
of this device is treated in a nation governed by a Constitution that
protects liberty as well as private property, is a major challenge we
face. How well we allow this marvelous invention to continue to be
developed by creative minds, while we seek to prohibit or discourage
truly abusive practices, will depend upon the degree of wisdom that
guides our courts, our legislatures, and governmental agencies entrusted
with authority in this area of our national life.
For further information regarding The Bill of Rights please contact:
Harvey Silverglate
Silverglate & Good
89 Broad Street, 14th Floor
Boston, MA 02110
617/542-6663
++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++++

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An Introduction to Computer Conferencing: a Look at Software
Available in the Academic World
------------------------------------------------------------
Alex Cruz, M.S.
Associate Consultant
Center for Advanced Study American Airlines Decision Technologies
in Telecommunications 4200 American Blvd.
The Ohio State University Fort Worth, Texas 76155
Columbus, Ohio 43210
This paper is intended to be an introduction to some of the concepts of
computer conferencing as well as a guide to some of the existing
conferencing software today. Even though the number of commercial
users is increasing, the software described is mainly used in academic
environments. It should provide novice users with the necessary concepts
and leads to visualize the applications of computer conferencing in their
fields. An special emphasis is placed on interactive computer
conferencing.
What is Computer Conferencing?
------------------------------
The concept of computer conferencing is not new and lot of definitions
have been given. It refers to the idea of establishing some type of
communication with one or more people through a computer that is
presumably connected to a network of other computers. The most basic
way of computer conferencing can be two computers connected to each
other through a wire.
The sophistication of computer conferencing is directly related to the
amount of 'wire' used, the friendliness of the software used, the
geographic location of the parties involved, the requirements of the
information to be transmitted (simple documents, graphic files, etc) and
the nature of the conference:
Types of Computer Conferencing
------------------------------
Computer conferencing can be classified in many different ways but
mainly two different variables define the types of computer conferencing
best: the size of the audience and the amount of time involved in the
question-response interval.
According to the first variable, there are three different types of computer
conferencing:
- one-to-one: one person interacts in a direct way with another.
- one-to-many: one person establishes communications with more than
one person at a time.
- many-to-many: many people are able to interact with many others
According the second variable, there are two types of conferencing:
- non-interactive: the period of time between the initial contact and
the response can vary from a few seconds to many weeks.
- interactive: the conference occurs 'live'; participants are able to
communicate to each other directly at a particular time resulting in no
delay between the initial contact and the response.
Most people involved in the academic and research fields have already
experimented with some combinations of these different types of
computer conferencing: the most basic and oldest way of computer
conferencing is the one-to-one non-interactive kind: electronic mail.
Using the concept of electronic mail, mailing lists were born: the same
message body was to be sent to many people; this refers to the one-to-
many non-interactive conferencing. Thousands of private and public
mailing lists exist today over hundredths of computer networks; this is
not surprising since most computer systems that have electonic mail
software allow distribution lists that can have many electronic mail
addresses.
The last type of non-interactive conferencing refers to the many-to-many
concept: any person belonging to a large group of users can 'post' a
message or article and many people can reply to that message, each of
the replies being able to be read by all the users. Thousands of electronic
bulletin board systems utilize this idea for discussions of different topics.
The massive use of interactive computer conferencing is more recent and
its applications are starting to flourish as the academic community
increases its involvement with such systems. One-to-one software is
very common and included in most multi-user operating system packages
such as Unix, VMS, CMS. Even one-to-one interactive computer
conferencing can be broken down in two different types:
+ line driven: in line driven environments, one user sends a
single short message to another user's address in the system.
+ screen driven: two users establish a communi cation session
where typically, the screen is divided in two halves, and each other can
'talk' by simply typing the desired text. The other party receives the
text as it is being typed or after the return key has been pressed,
depending on the hardware/software being used.
One-to-many interactive computer conferencing attracts the idea of
'public speech' or 'lecturing' in a computer environment. Even though
this concept has yet not been fully explored, it would naturally be
included as part of many-to-many interactive because of software
limitations: most many-to-many conferencing software have or can
implement the one-to-many feature (for example, as a listen-only user).
Perhaps one of the most exciting types of conferencing nowadays is
many-to-many interactive communications via a computer. Thanks to
the already existing commercial and academic computer networks, many
people have been introduced to the concept of across-the-world
interactive communications. Some examples will be provided later in
this paper.
This type of software allows a user to interact with many users at the
same time and discuss different types of issues and exchange research
and academic problems and solutions. Due to the cultural and
geographical diversity of the users of some of these systems, many
different types of useful feedback is provided when asked for.
How is computer conferencing used at the university level today?
----------------------------------------------------------------
Non-interactive computer conferencing has been used extensively at just
about every college and university. Most higher education institutions
have a connection to BITNET and/or the Internet. The main applications
of these connections are electronic mail, file transferring and remote
login. Both BITNET and Internet connected computers have bulletin
board style software available: BITNET list servers and USENET
newsgroups are the main ones; USENET is indeed a network of its own
that sitson top of many other Internet based networks.
Academically, teachers are using electronic mail and mailing lists to get
in touch with their students on class matters and university administrators
to provide faculty and students with information related to university life
and courses. Intelligent 'fuzzy' electronic mailers [IRCCAPRIL90]
combined with other conferencing services such as interest groups lists or
newsgroups help both teachers and students get answers and suggestions to
their subjects of research as well as find answers to questions that have
already been asked. Today, it is common for a well 'networked' researcher
to search for the answer of a problem first, by asking others in a specific
topic discussion group and then apply the results to the problem if a
feasible answer is found. These and other applications reveal an extense
use of non-interactive computer conferencing in academics.
On the other hand, interactive computer conferencing is starting to
become more and more popular at the university level: BITNET users
are able to contact any user in the BITNET network by using a simple
command to issue line messages. The power of Unix software/hardware
along with the already existing Internet based networks allow academic
users to establish one-to-one screen based communication sessions by
also issuing a simple command. At the moment, limited academic
research is being conducted on the applications of interactive computer
conferencing to teaching and researching, though it is being widely used
for electronic meetings among researchers to discuss aspects of the
research as well as to collaborate in projects remotely.
Software Examples for Each Category
-----------------------------------
(The following is a small guide providing some examples of software and
hardware that is able to execute the different types of computer
conferencing as described above)
Non-interactive computer conferencing is already widely in use but the
outreach of a single computer connection (BITNET or Internet based) is
not well known yet:
+ one-to-one: electronic mail. The number of companies,
institutions and foreign countries that now are reachable through already
existing computer networks has increased enourmously in the last few
years. Companies and computer services such as Compuserve, MCI
(MCIMail), AT&T (AT&T Mail), GEnie, the National Public Telecomputing
Network, Applelink, Byte Information eXchange, Connect Professional
Information Network, Fidonet, GeoNet Mailbox Systems, NASAMail, PeaceNet,
the Space Physics Analysis Network, Telenet's commercial electronic mail
service and many regional networks are all already onnected to the
Internet or other networks reachable from the Internet and therefore
can reached by BITNET [INMG90]. For a guide on how to reach each
network from your system, get the Inter-Network Mail Guide by John Chew,
by anonymously FTPing into ra.msstate.edu (see Appendix A) and obtaining
the file: /pub/docs/internetwork.
For a more complete description of all the possible networks that can be
reach, refer to "!%@:: A Directory of Electronic Mail Addressing and
Networks" by Donnalyn Frey and Rick Adams, O'Reilly & Associates, Inc.
+ one-to-many: this type of computer conferencing normally
comes as mailing lists or moderated newsgroups. If you wish to get
introduced to the concepts of list servers, send a one line message to
LISTSERV @BITNIC.BITNET with the content: 'HELP'. Only an e-mail
connection is needed to subscribe to most discussion lists.
+ many-to-many: USENET moderated and unmoderated
newsgroups are more common on Unix and Internet connected machines.
Subjects of the newsgroups range in both intellectual as well as
recreational value. There is a very strong molecular biology community
that uses the USENET software and network to exchange ideas and
discuss research. Just about any type of computer software and hardware
has its own newsgroup as well as some other science topics. On the
recreational side, sport event schedules from soccer to biking are
regularly posted; also TV, music, humor, religion and foreign cultures
have their newsgroups. If you do not have access to a USENET news
feed, please contact your system administrator.
Interactive conferencing is easily reachable at the one-to-one level
because the simplicity of the software is not comparable to that of many-
to-many conferencing software. Also, it must be noticed that the type
of software described here can only be found in large multi-user systems:
local area networked personal computers normally already have software
that enables some computer conferencing.
+ one-to-one:
o Unix (Hewlett Packard, MIPS, DEC, AT&T, Sun, Next manufacture
hardware for the Unix Operating System):
Most versions of the Unix operating system support the 'talk'
command which enables the user to establish an initial user to user
session where everything that one user types appears in the screen of the
other user and viceversa until an escape key sequence is pressed. A
typical command line could look like:
talk amiller
to talk to user amiller in the presently used system, or
talk amiller@magnus.acs.ohio-state.edu
if the Unix system being used is other than magnus.acs.etc. Adding other
users to the initial one-to-one conversation is not possible.
In addition to the 'talk' command, most Unix systems also support the
'finger' command which allows a user to get a list of users at a remote
machine:
finger @mercurio.dm.unirm1.it
will return a list of current users in a Sun workstation used in the
department of Mathematics at the University of Rome, Italy. These two
commands compliment each other when a user is trying to find a particular
remote user and talk to him/her.
o VMS (Digital Equipment Corporation Vax machines...):
The PHONE command behaves in a very similar way to the 'talk'
command in UNIX. The PHONE command does allow for more than one user
at a time.
o CMS (BITNET based machines, IBM mainframes..):
The TELL command in this operating system allows the user to
send a single short message to another user currently logged on to any
BITNET computer:
tell CRUZ at OHSTVMB Hello, Alex how are you?
would send a short message to user CRUZ in BITNET node OHSTMVB.
All three commands in all three operating systems are standard. Contact
your local system administrator if not present in your machine.
+ many-to-many:
(Due to the diversity of interactive computer conferencing, only
three systems will be touched and given sources to)
o Bitnet Relay Chat: this software is available mainly for
BITNET based machines. It provides the use with a friendly interface to
communicate with other BITNET users. Some of the features of this
software include: switching between users/screens via PF-keys, disk
message logging, disconnected answering machine services; it is suitable
for any type of terminal from 1200 Baud PC to local 3270 terminals. It is
maintained by Eric Thomas (ERIC@SEARN.BITNET) [CHAT90].
o Internet Relay Chat: It is mainly a Unix based program that
enables machines from all over the world connected to both Internet and
BITNET based computers to establish a 'chat' connection and set one-to-
one, one-to-many and many-to-many sessions. It provides many different
features such as private, moderated, invite-only, secret channels, group
and private messaging, multiple nicknames, notification of user presence,
user list by server, channel and other properties, etc. To access IRC on a
trial basis from an Internet connected computer, type 'telnet
bradenville.andrew.cmu.edu' and provide the necessary nickname and
screen emulation information. Issue the command '/HELP' to get started,
'/WHO *' to see the current users (as an average 200+ from over 18
countries around the world) or '/LIST' to see a list of current users.
The software to run IRC is free of charge but copyright guidelines are to
be met. This is where it can obtained:
OS Site Directory/File
---- ----------------------- --------------------
Unix freebie.engin.umich.edu pub/irc/clients/UNIX
VMS freebie.engin.umich.edu pub/irc/clients/VMS
VM freebie.engin.umich.edu pub/irc/clients/VM
OS - Operating System
Site - Site to FTP to (see appendix A)
Directory/File - Filename and directory
o International Citizen's Band: this is a similar program to IRC.
It contains most of the same features but its architecture and logic for
server-client connections differs from that of IRC's. The software can be
obtained through anonymous FTP at athos.rutgers.edu, file /pub/icb-
client.tar.z; this software will only execute in Unix based machines.
Conclusion
----------
Computer Conferencing is another necessary tool for today's computer
aided research and instruction. It has all the embedded advantages that
other already used electronic media enjoy: easiness of processing, easy
data storage, quick detailed responses, easier to find the desired recipient,
speed and reliability of document/message transmission, document safety
and security, etc [CRUZ90].
There are also other advantages that are due to the character of this type
of communications: the store-and-forward nature of computer conferencing
gives the participants a response time period that is not possible in more
traditional ways of face-to-face or telephone communications [STEVENS86].
Flexibility so that any researcher with a workstation and a network
connectionmust is ableto join a discussion session; facility to search the
network for existing conferences;multiple communication channels; these
and other features are needed for collaboration during the process of
refining a theory or analysis of experimental data [SMARR90]. Interactive
computer conferencing already offers these features.
Computer conferencing is a growing field and many applications are
already surfacing in the areas of project coordination, sales management,
customer service, online marketplaces, interactive journalism, distributed
education and organization & community building.
The academic world is just a step away from fully taking advantage of
all the capabilities of Computer Conferencing.
Appendix A
----------
The TCP/IP file transfer protocol is called File Transfer Protocol (FTP).
FTP enables a user of a given network to remote access and then locally
transfer files existing in another computer host of that same network.
Many computer hosts allow for anonymous FTP, whereby a user can
obtain files form a remote host [QUARTERMAN88].
The FTP software is available in most Unix and VMS based systems.
Some IBM mainframes support FTP file transferring but with a lot of
limitations. In order to access the software, just type 'ftp host.name'
where host name is the archive you want to access: 'ftp ra.msstate.edu'
will access the machine 'ra' at the Mississippi State University archives.
When prompted for a USERNAME: respond with the word 'anonymous' and when
prompted for a password respond with your electronic mail address. Once
the connection is successfully established, the user may retrieve any of
the files available in the authorized directories. To retrieve the
Inter-Network Mail Guide, the user would type :
cd pub (to change to 'public' directory)
cd docs (to change to 'documents' directory)
get internetwork
(to get file transmitted from the remote computer to the current
directory of the user that is doing the FTP connection)
Exiting the program can be resolved by typing 'exit' or 'quit' at the FTP
prompt.
References
----------
[CHAT90] Program Filelist for Net Server at the BITNET Network
Information Center. Direct electronic retrieval, July 1991, page 3.
[CRUZ90] Alex Cruz, "An Evaluation of a State Wide Computer
Network for Small and Medium Size Industries in the State of Ohio",
June 1990, Master's Thesis, The Ohio State University, pages 30-41.
[INMG90] John J. Chew, "Inter-Network Mail Guide", June 1990, Page 2-3.
[IRCCAPRIL90] "Fuzzy Mail", "WHO-IS" Instructional Research Computer
Center Newsletter, The Ohio State University, April 1990, page 7.
[QUARTERMAN88] John S. Quarterman, "The Matrix: Computer Networks and
Conferencing Systems Worldwide", 1990, Digital Press, pages 11-13, 125-126.
[SMARR90] Larry Smarr, Charles Catlett, "Life After Internet: Making
Room for New Applications",November 1990, Symposium of the Programs on
Science, Technology, and Public Policy and Strategic Computing and
Telecommunications in the Public Sector, John F. Kennedy School of
Government, Harvard University.
[STEVENS86] Chandler H. Stevens, "Electronic Organization & Expert
Networks: Beyond Electronic Mail and Computer Conferencing", May
1986, Sloan WP#1794-86, Sloan School of Management, Massachusets
Institute of Technology, pages 1-9.

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A NEW COVENANT*
WE, THE UNDERSIGNED Witnesses to the Lesson of History - that no Form of
political Governance may be relied upon to secure the individual Rights
of Life, Liberty, or Property - now therefore establish and provide
certain fundamental Precepts measuring our Conduct toward one another,
and toward others:
Individual Sovereignty
FIRST, that we shall henceforward recognize each individual to be the
exclusive Proprietor of his or her own Existence and of all products of
that Existence, holding no Obligation binding among Individuals excepting
those to which they voluntarily and explicitly consent;
Freedom from Coercion
SECOND, that under no Circumstances shall we acknowledge any Liberty to
initiate Force against another Person, and shall instead defend the
inalienable Right of Individuals to resist Coercion employing whatever
Means prove necessary in their Judgement;
Association and Secession
THIRD, that we shall hold inviolable those Relationships among
Individuals which are totally voluntary, but conversely, any Relationship
not thus mutually agreeable shall be considered empty and invalid;
Individuality of Rights
FOURTH, that we shall regard Rights to be neither collective nor additive
in Character - two individuals shall have no more Rights than one, nor
shall two million nor two thousand million - nor shall any Group possess
Rights in Excess of those belonging to its individual members;
Equality of Liberty
FIFTH, that we shall maintain these Principles without Respect to any
person's Race, Nationality, Gender, sexual Preference, Age, or System of
Beliefs, and hold that any Entity or Association, however constituted,
acting to contravene them by initiation of Force - or Threat of same -
shall have forfeited its Right to exist;
Supersedure
UPON UNANIMOUS CONSENT of the Members or Inhabitants of any Association
or Territory, we further stipulate that this Agreement shall supercede
all existing governmental Documents or Usages then pertinent, that such
Constitutions, Charters, Acts, Laws, Statutes, Regulations, or Ordinances
contradictory or destructive to the Ends which it expresses shall be null
and void, and that this Covenant, being the Property of its Author and
Signatories, shall not be Subject to Interpretation excepting insofar as
it shall please them.
SIGNATORY: WITNESS:
_________________________________ _______________________________
signature date signature date
_________________________________ _______________________________
name (please print) name (please print)
SEND TO: 111 East Drake, Suite 7032, Fort Collins, Colorado 80525. PLEASE
ENCLOSE TWO DOLLARS to cover processing and archiving. Add SASE for
confirmation of receipt.
*Exercepted from Chapter XVII of THE GALLATIN DIVERGENCE by L. Neil
Smith, Del Rey Books (a division of Random House), New York, 1985, as
amended by unanimous consent, October, 1986.
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& the Temple of the Screaming Electron Jeff Hunter 510-935-5845
Salted Slug Systems Strange 408-454-9368
Burn This Flag Zardoz 408-363-9766
realitycheck Poindexter Fortran 415-567-7043
Lies Unlimited Mick Freen 415-583-4102
Tomorrow's 0rder of Magnitude Finger_Man 408-961-9315
My Dog Bit Jesus Suzanne D'Fault 510-658-8078
Specializing in conversations, obscure information, high explosives,
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THE CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, 1787
We the people of the United States, in Order to form a more perfect Union,
establish Justice, insure domestic Tranquility, provide for the common defence,
promote the general Welfare, and secure the Blessings of Liberty to ourselves
and our Posterity, do ordain and establish this Constitution for the
United States of America.
Article 1
Section 1. All legislative Powers herein granted shall be vested in a
Congress of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and
House of Representatives.
Section 2. The House of Representatives shall be composed of Members
chosen every second Year by the People of the several States,
and the electors in each State shall have the qualifications requisite
for electors of the most numerous branch of the State legislature.
No Person shall be a Representative who shall not have attained to the
Age of twenty five Years, and been seven Years a citizen of the United States,
and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State in which
he shall be chosen.
Representatives and direct Taxes shall be apportioned among
the several States which may be included within this Union,
according to their respective Numbers, which shall be determined
by adding to the whole number of free Persons, including those
bound to Service for a Term of Years, and excluding Indians not taxed,
three fifths of all other Persons. The actual Enumeration shall be made
within three Years after the first Meeting of the Congress of the
United States, and within every subsequent Term of ten Years,
in such Manner as they shall by law Direct. The number of
Representatives shall not exceed one for every thirty Thousand,
but each State shall have at least one Representative;
and until such enumeration shall be made, the State of New Hampshire
shall be entitled to chuse three, Massachusetts eight, Rhode Island
and Providence Plantations one, Connecticut five, New York six,
New Jersey four, Pennsylvania eight, Delaware one, Maryland six,
Virginia ten, North Carolina five, South Carolina five, and Georgia three.
When vacancies happen in the Representation from any State, the Executive
Authority thereof shall issue Writs of Election to fill such Vacancies.
The House of Representatives shall chuse their Speaker and other Officers;
and shall have the sole Power of Impeachment.
Section 3. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of
two Senators from each State, chosen by the legislature thereof,
for six Years; and each Senator shall have one Vote.
Immediately after they shall be assembled in Consequence of the first Election,
they shall be divided as equally as may be into three Classes. The Seats of
the Senators of the first Class shall be vacated at the expiration of the
second Year, of the second Class at the expiration of the fourth Year,
and of the third Class at the expiration of the sixth Year, so that one third
may be chosen every second Year; and if vacancies happen by Resignation,
or otherwise, during the recess of the Legislature of any State,
the Executive thereof may make temporary Appointments until the
next meeting of the Legislature, which shall then fill such Vacancies.
No person shall be a Senator who shall not have attained to the Age of
thirty Years, and been nine Years a Citizen of the United States,
and who shall not, when elected, be an Inhabitant of that State
for which he shall be chosen.
The Vice-President of the United States shall be President of the Senate,
but shall have no Vote, unless they be equally divided.
The Senate shall choose their other Officers, and also a President
pro tempore, in the Absence of the Vice-President, or when he shall
exercise the Office of President of the United States.
The Senate shall have the sole Power to try all Impeachments.
When sitting for that Purpose, they shall be on Oath or Affirmation.
When the President of the United States is tried, the Chief Justice
shall preside: And no Person shall be convicted without the Concurrence
of two thirds of the Members present.
Judgment in cases of Impeachment shall not extend further than to removal
from Office, and disqualification to hold and enjoy any Office of honor,
Trust or Profit under the United States: but the Party convicted shall
nevertheless be liable and subject to Indictment, Trial, Judgment and
Punishment, according to Law.
Section 4. The Times, Places and Manner of holding Elections for Senators and
Representatives, shall be prescribed in each State by the Legislature thereof;
but the Congress may at any time by Law make or alter such Regulations,
except as to the Places of chusing Senators.
The Congress shall assemble at least once in every Year,
and such Meeting shall be on the first Monday in December,
unless they shall by law appoint a different Day.
Section 5. Each House shall be the Judge of the Elections,
Returns and Qualifications of its own Members, and a
Majority of each shall constitute a Quorum to do Business;
but a smaller Number may adjourn from day to day,
and may be authorized to compel the Attendance of absent Members,
in such Manner, and under such Penalties as each House may provide.
Each house may determine the Rules of its Proceedings,
punish its Members for disorderly Behavior, and, with the
Concurrence of two-thirds, expel a Member.
Each house shall keep a Journal of its Proceedings,
and from time to time publish the same, excepting such Parts as may
in their Judgment require Secrecy; and the Yeas and Nays of the
Members of either House on any question shall, at the Desire of
one fifth of those Present, be entered on the Journal.
Neither House, during the Session of Congress, shall, without the
Consent of the other, adjourn for more than three days, nor to
any other Place than that in which the two Houses shall be sitting.
Section 6. The Senators and Representatives shall receive a Compensation
for their Services, to be ascertained by Law, and paid out of the Treasury
of the United States. They shall in all Cases, except Treason, Felony and
Breach of the Peace, be privileged from Arrest during their Attendance
at the Session of their respective Houses, and in going to and returning
from the same; and for any Speech or Debate in either House,
they shall not be questioned in any other Place.
No Senator or Representative shall, during the Time for which he was elected,
be appointed to any civil Office under the authority of the United States,
which shall have been created, or the Emoluments whereof shall have been
increased during such time; and no Person holding any Office under the
United States, shall be a Member of either House during his Continuance
in Office.
Section 7. All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the
House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with
Amendments as on other Bills.
Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and
the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the
President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it,
but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House
in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections
at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it.
If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that house
shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent,
together with the Objections, to the other House, by which
it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds
of that House, it shall become a law. But in all such Cases
the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by Yeas and Nays,
and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be
entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill
shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted)
after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law,
in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their
Adjournment prevent its Return, in which case it shall not be a Law.
Every Order, Resolution, or Vote to which the Concurrence of the Senate
and House of Representatives may be necessary (except on a question
of Adjournment) shall be presented to the President of the United States;
and before the Same shall take Effect, shall be approved by him,
or being disapproved by him, shall be repassed by two thirds of
the Senate and House of Representatives, according to the Rules
and Limitations prescribed in the Case of a Bill.
Section 8. The Congress shall have Power to lay and collect Taxes, Duties,
Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence
and general Welfare of the United States; but all Duties, Imposts and Excises
shall be uniform throughout the United States;
To borrow Money on the credit of the United States;
To regulate Commerce with foreign Nations, and among the several States,
and with the Indian Tribes;
To establish an uniform Rule of Naturalization, and uniform Laws
on the subject of Bankruptcies throughout the United States;
To coin Money, regulate the Value thereof, and of foreign Coin,
and fix the Standard of Weights and Measures;
To provide for the Punishment of counterfeiting the Securities
and current Coin of the United States;
To establish Post Offices and Post Roads;
To promote the Progress of Science and useful Arts, by securing
for limited Times to Authors and Inventors the exclusive Right
to their respective Writings and Discoveries;
To constitute Tribunals inferior to the supreme Court;
To define and punish Piracies and Felonies committed on the high Seas,
and Offenses against the Law of Nations;
To declare War, grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal,
and make Rules concerning Captures on Land and Water;
To raise and support Armies, but no Appropriation of Money to that Use
shall be for a longer term than two Years;
To provide and maintain a Navy;
To make Rules for the Government and Regulation of the land and naval Forces;
To provide for calling forth the Militia to execute the Laws of the Union,
suppress Insurrections and repel Invasions;
To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia, and for
governing such Part of them as may be employed in the Service of the
United States, reserving to the States respectively, the Appointment
of the Officers, and the Authority of training the militia according
to the discipline prescribed by Congress;
To exercise exclusive Legislation in all Cases whatsoever,
over such District (not exceeding ten Miles square) as may,
by Cession of particular States, and the Acceptance of Congress,
become the Seat of the Government of the United States, and to
exercise like Authority over all Places purchased by the Consent
of the Legislature of the State in which the Same shall be,
for the Erection of Forts, Magazines, Arsenals, Dockyards,
and other needful Buildings;--And
To make all Laws which shall be necessary and proper for carrying
into Execution the foregoing Powers, and all other Powers vested
by this Constitution in the Government of the United States,
or in any Department or Officer thereof.
Section 9. The Migration or Importation of such Persons as any
of the States now existing shall think proper to admit, shall not
be prohibited by the Congress prior to the Year one thousand eight
hundred and eight, but a Tax or Duty may be imposed on such Importation,
not exceeding ten dollars for each Person.
The Privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended, unless
when in Cases of Rebellion or Invasion the public Safety may require it.
No Bill of Attainder or ex post facto Law shall be passed.
No Capitation, or other direct, Tax shall be laid, unless in Proportion
to the Census or Enumeration herein before directed to be taken.
No Tax or Duty shall be laid on Articles exported from any State.
No Preference shall be given by any Regulation of Commerce or Revenue
to the Ports of one State over those of another: nor shall Vessels bound to,
or from, one State, be obliged to enter, clear, or pay Duties in another.
No Money shall be drawn from the Treasury, but in Consequence
of Appropriations made by Law; and a regular Statement and Account
of the Receipts and Expenditures of all public Money shall be
published from time to time.
No Title of Nobility shall be granted by the United States;
and no Person holding any Office of Profit or Trust under them, shall,
without the Consent of the Congress, accept of any present, Emolument,
Office, or Title, of any kind whatever, from any King, Prince,
or foreign State.
Section 10. No State shall enter into any Treaty, Alliance, or
Confederation; grant Letters of Marque and Reprisal; coin Money;
emit Bills of Credit; make any Thing but gold and silver Coin a Tender
in Payment of Debts; pass any Bill of Attainder, ex post facto Law,
or Law impairing the Obligation of Contracts, or grant any Title of Nobility.
No State shall, without the Consent of the Congress, lay any Imposts or Duties
on Imports or Exports, except what may be absolutely necessary for executing
it's inspection Laws: and the net Produce of all Duties and Imposts,
laid by any State on Imports or Exports, shall be for the Use of the Treasury
of the United States; and all such Laws shall be subject to the Revision
and Controul of the Congress.
No State shall, without the Consent of Congress, lay any Duty of
Tonnage, keep Troops, or Ships of War in time of Peace, enter into any
Agreement or Compact with another State, or with a foreign Power, or
engage in War, unless actually invaded, or in such imminent Danger
as will not admit of delay.
ARTICLE 2
Section 1. The executive Power shall be vested in a President
of the United States of America. He shall hold his Office during
the Term of four Years, and, together with the Vice President
chosen for the same Term, be elected, as follows:
Each State shall appoint, in such Manner as the Legislature thereof may direct,
a Number of Electors, equal to the whole Number of Senators and Representatives
to which the State may be entitled in the Congress: but no Senator or
Representative, or Person holding an Office of Trust or Profit under
the United States, shall be appointed an Elector.
The Electors shall meet in their respective States, and vote by Ballot
for two Persons, of whom one at least shall not lie an Inhabitant of
the same State with themselves. And they shall make a List of
all the Persons voted for, and of the Number of Votes for each;
which List they shall sign and certify, and transmit sealed to
the Seat of the Government of the United States, directed to the
President of the Senate. The President of the Senate shall,
in the Presence of the Senate and House of Representatives,
open all the Certificates, and the Votes shall then be counted.
The Person having the greatest Number of Votes shall be the President,
if such Number be a Majority of the whole Number of Electors appointed;
and if there be more than one who have such Majority, and have an equal
Number of votes, then the House of Representatives shall immediately
chuse by Ballot one of them for President; and if no Person have
a Majority, then from the five highest on the List the said House
shall in like Manner chuse the President. But in chusing the President,
the Votes shall be taken by States, the Representation from each State
having one Vote; a Quorum for this Purpose shall consist of a Member
or Members from two thirds of the States, and a Majority of all the
States shall be necessary to a Choice. In every Case, after the Choice
of the President, the Person having the greatest Number of Votes of
the Electors shall be the Vice President. But if there should remain
two or more who have equal Votes, the Senate shall chuse from them
by Ballot the Vice President.
The Congress may determine the Time of chusing the Electors,
and the Day on which they shall give their Votes; which Day
shall be the same throughout the United States.
No Person except a natural born Citizen, or a Citizen of the United States,
at the time of the Adoption of this Constitution, shall be eligible to
the Office of President; neither shall any Person be eligible to that
Office who shall not have attained to the Age of thirty five Years,
and been fourteen Years a Resident within the United States.
In Case of the Removal of the President from Office, or of his Death,
Resignation, or Inability to discharge the Powers and Duties of the
said Office, the Same shall devolve on the Vice President, and the
Congress may by Law provide for the Case of Removal, Death, Resignation
or Inability, both of the President and Vice President, declaring what
Officer shall then act as President, and such Officer shall act accordingly,
until the Disability be removed, or a President shall be elected.
The President shall, at stated Times, receive for his Services,
a Compensation, which shall neither be encreased nor diminished during
the Period for which he shall have been elected, and he shall not receive
within that Period any other Emolument from the United States, or any of them.
Before he enter on the Execution of his Office, he shall take the
following Oath or Affirmation:--"I do solemnly swear (or affirm) that
I will faithfully execute the Office of President of the United States,
and will to the best of my Ability, preserve, protect and defend the
Constitution of the United States."
Section 2. The President shall be Commander in Chief of the Army
and Navy of the United States, and of the Militia of the several States,
when called into the actual Service of the United States;
he may require the Opinion, in writing, of the principal Officer
in each of the executive Departments, upon any Subject relating to
the Duties of their respective Offices, and he shall have Power
to grant Reprieves and Pardons for Offenses against the United States,
except in Cases of impeachment.
He shall have Power, by and with the Advice and Consent of the
Senate, to make Treaties, provided two thirds of the Senators
present concur; and he shall nominate, and by and with the Advice
and Consent of the Senate, shall appoint Ambassadors, other public
Ministers and Consuls, Judges of the supreme Court, and all other
Officers of the United States, whose Appointments are not herein
otherwise provided for, and which shall be established by Law:
but the Congress may by Law vest the Appointment of such inferior Officers,
as they think proper, in the President alone, in the Courts of Law,
or in the Heads of Departments.
The President shall have Power to fill up all Vacancies that may happen
during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall
expire at the End of their next session.
Section 3. He shall from time to time give to the Congress
Information of the State of the Union, and recommend to their
Consideration such Measures as he shall judge necessary and expedient;
he may, on extraordinary Occasions, convene both Houses, or either
of them, and in Case of Disagreement between them, with Respect to
the Time of Adjournment, he may adjourn them to such Time as he shall
think proper; he shall receive Ambassadors and other public Ministers;
he shall take Care that the Laws be faithfully executed, and shall
Commission all the Officers of the United States.
Section 4. The President, Vice President and all civil Officers of the
United States, shall be removed from Office on Impeachment for,
and Conviction of, Treason, Bribery, or other high Crimes and Misdemeanors.
ARTICLE THREE
Section 1. The judicial Power of the United States, shall be vested
in one supreme Court, and in such inferior Courts as the Congress may
from time to time ordain and establish. The Judges, both of the supreme
and inferior Courts, shall hold their Offices during good behavior,
and shall, at stated Times, receive for their Services, a Compensation,
which shall not be diminished during their Continuance in Office.
Section 2. The judicial Power shall extend to all Cases, in Law and Equity,
arising under this Constitution, the Laws of the United States, and Treaties
made, or which shall be made, under their Authority;--to all Cases affecting
Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls;--to all Cases of admiralty
and maritime Jurisdiction;--to Controversies to which the United States
shall be a Party;--to Controversies between two or more States;--between a
State and Citizens of another State;--between Citizens of different States;
--between Citizens of the same State claiming Lands under Grants of
different States, and between a State, or the Citizens thereof,
and foreign States, Citizens or Subjects.
In all cases affecting Ambassadors, other public Ministers and Consuls,
and those in which a State shall be Party, the supreme Court shall have
original Jurisdiction. In all the other Cases before mentioned, the
supreme Court shall have appellate Jurisdiction, both as to Law and Fact,
with such Exceptions, and under such Regulations as the Congress shall make.
The Trial of all Crimes, except in Cases of Impeachment, shall be by Jury;
and such Trial shall be held in the State where the said Crimes shall
have been committed; but when not committed within any State, the Trial
shall be at such Place or Places as the Congress may by Law have directed.
Section 3. Treason against the United States, shall consist only in
levying War against them, or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them
Aid and Comfort. No Person shall be convicted of Treason unless on
the Testimony of two Witnesses to the same overt Act, or on Confession
in open Court.
The Congress shall have power to declare the punishment of Treason,
but no Attainder of Treason shall work Corruption of Blood,
or Forfeiture except during the Life of the Person attainted.
ARTICLE FOUR
Section 1. Full Faith and Credit shall be given in each State to the
public Acts, Records, and judicial Proceedings of every other State.
And the Congress may by general Laws prescribe the Manner in which such Acts,
Records, and Proceedings shall be proved, and the Effect thereof.
Section 2. The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all
Privileges and Immunities of Citizens in the several States.
A Person charged in any State with Treason, Felony, or other Crime,
who shall flee from Justice, and be found in another State,
shall on Demand of the executive Authority of the State from
which he fled, be delivered up, to be removed to the State having
Jurisdiction of the Crime.
No person held to Service or Labor in one State, under the Laws thereof,
escaping into another, shall, in Consequence of any Law or Regulation therein,
be discharged from such Service or Labor, But shall be delivered up on Claim
of the Party to whom such Service or Labor may be due.
Section 3. New States may be admitted by the Congress into this Union;
but no new States shall be formed or erected within the Jurisdiction
of any other State; nor any State be formed by the Junction of two
or more States, or Parts of States, without the Consent of the
Legislatures of the States concerned as well as of the Congress.
The Congress shall have Power to dispose of and make all needful Rules
and Regulations respecting the Territory or other Property belonging
to the United States; and nothing in this Constitution shall be so
construed as to Prejudice any Claims of the United States,
or of any particular State.
Section 4. The United States shall guarantee to every State in this Union
a Republican Form of Government, and shall protect each of them against
Invasion; and on Application of the Legislature, or of the Executive
(when the Legislature cannot be convened) against domestic Violence.
ARTICLE FIVE
The Congress, whenever two thirds of both Houses shall deem it necessary,
shall propose Amendments to this Constitution, or, on the Application of
the Legislatures of two thirds of the several States, shall call a Convention
for proposing Amendments, which, in either Case, shall be valid to all Intents
and Purposes, as Part of this Constitution, when ratified by the Legislatures
of three fourths of the several States, or by Conventions in three fourths
thereof, as the one or the other Mode of Ratification may be proposed by
the Congress; Provided that no Amendment which may be made prior to the
Year one thousand eight hundred and eight shall in any Manner affect
the first and fourth Clauses in the ninth Section of the first Article;
and that no State, without its Consent, shall be deprived of it's
equal Suffrage in the Senate.
ARTICLE SIX
All Debts contracted and Engagements entered into, before the Adoption
of this Constitution, shall be as valid against the United States
under this Constitution, as under the Confederation.
This Constitution, and the Laws of the United States which shall be made
in Pursuance thereof; and all Treaties made, or which shall be made,
under the Authority of the United States, shall be the supreme
Law of the Land; and the Judges in every State shall be bound thereby,
any Thing in the Constitution or Laws of any State to the Contrary
notwithstanding.
The Senators and Representatives before mentioned, and the Members of the
several State Legislatures, and all executive and judicial Officers,
both of the United States and of the several States, shall be bound
by Oath or Affirmation, to support this Constitution; but no religious
Test shall ever be required as a Qualification to any Office or public Trust
under the United States
ARTICLE SEVEN
The Ratification of the Conventions of nine States, shall be sufficient for the
Establishment of this Constitution between the States so ratifying the Same.
Done in Convention by the Unanimous Consent of the States present
the Seventeenth Day of September in the Year of our Lord one
thousand seven hundred and eighty seven and of the Independence of the
United States of America the Twelfth In Witness whereof We have
hereunto subscribed our Names,
Go. WASHINGTON--
Presid. and deputy from Virginia
New Hampshire
John Langdon
Nicholas Gilman
Massachusetts
Nathaniel Gorham
Rufus King
Connecticut
Wm. Saml. Johnson
Roger herman
New York
Alexander Hamilton
New Jersey
Wil: Livingston
David Brearley
Wm. Paterson
Jona: Dayton
Pennsylvania
B Franklin
Thomas Mifflin
Robt Morris
Geo. Clymer
Thos FitzSimons
Jared Ingersoll
James Wilson
Gouv Morris
Delaware
Geo: Read
Gunning Bedford jun
John Dickinson
Richard Bassett
Jaco: Broom
Maryland
James Mchenry
Dan of St Thos. Jenifer
Danl Carroll
Virginia
John Blair--
James Madison Jr.
North Carolina
Wm. Blount
Rich'd Dobbs Spaight
Hu Williamson
South Carolina
J. Rutledge
Charles Cotesworth Pinckney
Charles Pinckney
Pierce Butler
Georgia
William Few
Abr Baldwin
Attest:
William Jackson, Secretary

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Laurence H. Tribe, "The Constitution in Cyberspace"
PREPARED REMARKS
KEYNOTE ADDRESS AT THE
FIRST CONFERENCE ON COMPUTERS, FREEDOM & PRIVACY
Copyright, 1991, Jim Warren & Computer Professionals for Social Responsibility
All rights to copy the materials contained herein are reserved, except as
hereafter explicitly licensed and permitted for anyone:
Anyone may receive, store and distribute copies of this ASCII-format
computer textfile in purely magnetic or electronic form, including on
computer networks, computer bulletin board systems, computer conferencing
systems, free computer diskettes, and host and personal computers, provided
and only provided that:
(1) this file, including this notice, is not altered in any manner, and
(2) no profit or payment of any kind is charged for its distribution, other
than normal online connect-time fees or the cost of the magnetic media, and
(3) it is not reproduced nor distributed in printed or paper form, nor on
CD ROM, nor in any form other than the electronic forms described above
without prior written permission from the copyright holder.
Arrangements to publish printed Proceedings of the First Conference on
Computers, Freedom & Privacy are near completion. Audiotape and videotape
versions are also being arranged.
A later version of this file on the WELL (Sausalito, California) will
include ordering details. Or, for details, or to propose other distribution
alternatives, contact Jim Warren, CFP Chair,345 Swett Rd., Woodside CA 94062;
voice:(415)851-7075; fax:(415)851-2814; e-mail:jwarren@well.sf.ca.us.[4/19/91]
[ These were the author's *prepared* remarks.
A transcript of Professor Tribe's March 26th comments at the Conference
(which expanded slightly on several points herein) will be uploaded onto the
WELL as soon as it is transcribed from the audio tapes and proofed against
the audio and/or videotapes.]
"The Constitution in Cyberspace:
Law and Liberty Beyond the Electronic Frontier"
by Laurence H. Tribe
Copyright 1991 Laurence H. Tribe,
Tyler Professor of Constitutional Law,
Harvard Law School.
Professor Tribe is the author, most recently, of
"On Reading the Constitution" (Harvard University Press,
Cambridge, MA, 1991).
Introduction
My topic is how to "map" the text and structure of our
Constitution onto the texture and topology of "cyberspace". That's
the term coined by cyberpunk novelist William Gibson, which many
now use to describe the "place" -- a place without physical walls
or even physical dimensions -- where ordinary telephone
conversations "happen," where voice-mail and e-mail messages are
stored and sent back and forth, and where computer-generated
graphics are transmitted and transformed, all in the form of
interactions, some real-time and some delayed, among countless
users, and between users and the computer itself
Some use the "cyberspace" concept to designate fantasy worlds
or "virtual realities" of the sort Gibson described in his novel
*Neuromancer*, in which people can essentially turn their minds into
computer peripherals capable of perceiving and exploring the data
matrix. The whole idea of "virtual reality," of course, strikes a
slightly odd note. As one of Lily Tomlin's most memorable
characters once asked, "What's reality, anyway, but a collective
hunch?" Work in this field tends to be done largely by people who
share the famous observation that reality is overrated!
However that may be, "cyberspace" connotes to some users the
sorts of technologies that people in Silicon Valley (like Jaron
Lanier at VPL Research, for instance) work on when they try to
develop "virtual racquetball" for the disabled, computer-aided
design systems that allow architects to walk through "virtual
buildings" and remodel them *before* they are built, "virtual
conferencing" for business meetings, or maybe someday even "virtual
day care centers" for latchkey children. The user snaps on a pair
of goggles hooked up to a high-powered computer terminal, puts on
a special set of gloves (and perhaps other gear) wired into the
same computer system, and, looking a little bit like Darth Vader,
pretty much steps into a computer-driven, drug-free, 3-dimensional,
interactive, infinitely expandable hallucination complete with
sight, sound and touch -- allowing the user literally to move
through, and experience, information.
I'm using the term "cyberspace" much more broadly, as many
have lately. I'm using it to encompass the full array of
computer-mediated audio and/or video interactions that are already
widely dispersed in modern societies -- from things as ubiquitous
as the ordinary telephone, to things that are still coming on-line
like computer bulletin boards and networks like Prodigy, or like
the WELL ("Whole Earth 'Lectronic Link"), based here in San
Francisco. My topic, broadly put, is the implications of that
rapidly expanding array for our constitutional order. It is a
cyberspace, either get bent out of shape or fade out altogether.
The question, then, becomes: when the lines along which our
Constitution is drawn warp or vanish, what happens to the
Constitution itself?
Setting the Stage
To set the stage with a perhaps unfamiliar example, consider
a decision handed down nine months ago, *Maryland v. Craig*, where
the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the power of a state to put an
alleged child abuser on trial with the defendant's accuser
testifying not in the defendant's presence but by one-way,
closed-circuit television. The Sixth Amendment, which of course
antedated television by a century and a half, says: "In all
criminal prosecutions, the accused shall enjoy the right . . . to
be confronted with the witnesses against him." Justice O'Connor
wrote for a bare majority of five Justices that the state's
procedures nonetheless struck a fair balance between costs to the
accused and benefits to the victim and to society as a whole.
Justice Scalia, joined by the three "liberals" then on the Court
(Justices Brennan, Marshall and Stevens), dissented from that
cost-benefit approach to interpreting the Sixth Amendment. He
wrote:
The Court has convincingly proved that the Maryland
procedure serves a valid interest, and gives the
defendant virtually everything the Confrontation Clause
guarantees (everything, that is, except confrontation).
I am persuaded, therefore, that the Maryland procedure is
virtually constitutional. Since it is not, however,
actually constitutional I [dissent].
Could it be that the high-tech, closed-circuit TV context,
almost as familiar to the Court's youngest Justice as to his even
younger law clerks, might've had some bearing on Justice Scalia's
sly invocation of "virtual" constitutional reality? Even if
Justice Scalia wasn't making a pun on "virtual reality," and I
suspect he wasn't, his dissenting opinion about the Confrontation
Clause requires *us* to "confront" the recurring puzzle of how
constitutional provisions written two centuries ago should be
construed and applied in ever-changing circumstances.
Should contemporary society's technology-driven cost-benefit
fixation be allowed to water down the old-fashioned value of direct
confrontation that the Constitution seemingly enshrined as basic?
I would hope not. In that respect, I find myself in complete
agreement with Justice Scalia.
But new technological possibilities for seeing your accuser
clearly without having your accuser see you at all -- possibilities
for sparing the accuser any discomfort in ways that the accuser
couldn't be spared before one-way mirrors or closed-circuit TVs
were developed -- *should* lead us at least to ask ourselves whether
*two*-way confrontation, in which your accuser is supposed to be made
uncomfortable, and thus less likely to lie, really *is* the core
value of the Confrontation Clause. If so, "virtual" confrontation
should be held constitutionally insufficient. If not -- if the
core value served by the Confrontation Clause is just the ability
to *watch* your accuser say that you did it -- then "virtual"
confrontation should suffice. New technologies should lead us to
look more closely at just *what values* the Constitution seeks to
preserve. New technologies should *not* lead us to react reflexively
*either way* -- either by assuming that technologies the Framers
didn't know about make their concerns and values obsolete, or by
assuming that those new technologies couldn't possibly provide new
ways out of old dilemmas and therefore should be ignored
altogether.
The one-way mirror yields a fitting metaphor for the task we
confront. As the Supreme Court said in a different context several
years ago, "The mirror image presented [here] requires us to step
through an analytical looking glass to resolve it." (*NCAA v.
Tarkanian*, 109 S. Ct. at 462.) The world in which the Sixth
Amendment's Confrontation Clause was written and ratified was a
world in which "being confronted with" your accuser *necessarily*
meant a simultaneous physical confrontation so that your accuser
had to *perceive* you being accused by him. Closed-circuit
television and one-way mirrors changed all that by *decoupling* those
two dimensions of confrontation, marking a shift in the conditions of
information-transfer that is in many ways typical of cyberspace.
What does that sort of shift mean for constitutional analysis?
A common way to react is to treat the pattern as it existed *prior*
to the new technology (the pattern in which doing "A" necessarily
*included* doing "B") as essentially arbitrary or accidental. Taking
this approach, once the technological change makes it possible to
do "A" *without* "B" -- to see your accuser without having him or her
see you, or to read someone's mail without her knowing it, to
switch examples -- one concludes that the "old" Constitution's
inclusion of "B" is irrelevant; one concludes that it is enough for
the government to guarantee "A" alone. Sometimes that will be the
case; but it's vital to understand that, sometimes, it won't be.
A characteristic feature of modernity is the subordination of
purpose to accident -- an acute appreciation of just how contingent
and coincidental the connections we are taught to make often are.
We understand, as moderns, that many of the ways we carve up and
organize the world reflect what our social history and cultural
heritage, and perhaps our neurological wiring, bring to the world,
and not some irreducible "way things are." A wonderful example
comes from a 1966 essay by Jorge Louis Borges, "Other
Inquisitions." There, the essayist describes the following
taxonomy of the animal kingdom, which he purports to trace to an
ancient Chinese encyclopedia entitled *The Celestial Emporium of
Benevolent Knowledge*:
On those remote pages it is written that animals are
divided into:
(a) those belonging to the Emperor
(b) those that are embalmed
(c) those that are trained
(d) suckling pigs
(e) mermaids
(f) fabulous ones
(g) stray dogs
(h) those that are included in this classification
(i) those that tremble as if they were mad
(j) innumerable ones
(k) those drawn with a very fine camel's hair brush
(l) others
(m) those that have just broken a water pitcher
(n) those that, from a great distance, resemble flies
Contemporary writers from Michel Foucault, in *The Archaeology
of Knowledge*, through George Lakoff, in *Women, Fire, and Dangerous
Things*, use Borges' Chinese encyclopedia to illustrate a range of
different propositions, but the *core* proposition is the supposed
arbitrariness -- the political character, in a sense -- of all
culturally imposed categories.
At one level, that proposition expresses a profound truth and
may encourage humility by combating cultural imperialism. At
another level, though, the proposition tells a dangerous lie: it
suggests that we have descended into the nihilism that so obsessed
Nietzsche and other thinkers -- a world where *everything* is
relative, all lines are up for grabs, all principles and
connections are just matters of purely subjective preference or,
worse still, arbitrary convention. Whether we believe that killing
animals for food is wrong, for example, becomes a question
indistinguishable from whether we happen to enjoy eating beans,
rice and tofu.
This is a particularly pernicious notion in a era when we pass
more and more of our lives in cyberspace, a place where, almost by
definition, our most familiar landmarks are rearranged or disappear
altogether -- because there is a pervasive tendency, even (and
perhaps especially) among the most enlightened, to forget that the
human values and ideals to which we commit ourselves may indeed be
universal and need not depend on how our particular cultures, or
our latest technologies, carve up the universe we inhabit. It was
my very wise colleague from Yale, the late Art Leff, who once
observed that, even in a world without an agreed-upon God, we can
still agree -- even if we can't "prove" mathematically -- that
"napalming babies is wrong."
The Constitution's core values, I'm convinced, need not be
transmogrified, or metamorphosed into oblivion, in the dim recesses
of cyberspace. But to say that they *need* not be lost there is
hardly to predict that they *will* not be. On the contrary, without
further thought and awareness of the kind this conference might
provide, the danger is clear and present that they *will* be.
The "event horizon" against which this transformation might
occur is already plainly visible:
Electronic trespassers like Kevin Mitnik don't stop with
cracking pay phones, but break into NORAD -- the North American
Defense Command computer in Colorado Springs -- not in a *WarGames*
movie, but in real life.
Less challenging to national security but more ubiquitously
threatening, computer crackers download everyman's credit history
>from institutions like TRW; start charging phone calls (and more)
to everyman's number; set loose "worm" programs that shut down
thousands of linked computers; and spread "computer viruses"
through everyman's work or home PC.
It is not only the government that feels threatened by
"computer crime"; both the owners and the users of private
information services, computer bulletin boards, gateways, and
networks feel equally vulnerable to this new breed of invisible
trespasser. The response from the many who sense danger has been
swift, and often brutal, as a few examples illustrate.
Last March, U.S. Secret Service agents staged a surprise raid
on Steve Jackson Games, a small games manufacturer in
Austin, Texas, and seized all paper and electronic drafts of its
newest fantasy role-playing game, *GURPS[reg.t.m.] Cyberpunk*,
calling the game a "handbook for computer crime."
By last Spring, up to one quarter of the U.S. Treasury
Department's investigators had become involved in a project of
eavesdropping on computer bulletin boards, apparently tracking
notorious hackers like "Acid Phreak" and "Phiber Optik" through
what one journalist dubbed "the dark canyons of cyberspace."
Last May, in the now famous (or infamous) "Operation Sun Devil,"
more than 150 secret service agents teamed up with state
and local law enforcement agencies, and with security personnel
>from AT&T, American Express, U.S. Sprint, and a number of the
regional Bell telephone companies, armed themselves with over two
dozen search warrants and more than a few guns, and seized 42
computers and 23,000 floppy discs in 14 cities from New York to
Texas. Their target: a loose-knit group of people in their teens
and twenties, dubbed the "Legion of Doom."
I am not describing an Indiana Jones movie. I'm talking about
America in the 1990s.
The Problem
The Constitution's architecture can too easily come to seem
quaintly irrelevant, or at least impossible to take very seriously,
in the world as reconstituted by the microchip. I propose today to
canvass five axioms of our constitutional law -- five basic
assumptions that I believe shape the way American constitutional
scholars and judges view legal issues -- and to examine how they
can adapt to the cyberspace age. My conclusion (and I will try not
to give away too much of the punch line here) is that the Framers
of our Constitution were very wise indeed. They bequeathed us a
framework for all seasons, a truly astonishing document whose
principles are suitable for all times and all technological
landscapes.
Axiom 1:
There is a Vital Difference
*Between Government and Private Action*
The first axiom I will discuss is the proposition that the
Constitution, with the sole exception of the Thirteenth Amendment
prohibiting slavery, regulates action by the *government* rather than
the conduct of *private* individuals and groups. In an article I
wrote in the Harvard Law Review in November 1989 on "The Curvature
of Constitutional Space," I discussed the Constitution's
metaphor-morphosis from a Newtonian to an Einsteinian and
Heisenbergian paradigm. It was common, early in our history, to
see the Constitution as "Newtonian in design with its carefully
counterpoised forces and counterforces, its [geographical and
institutional] checks and balances." (103 *Harv. L. Rev.* at 3.)
Indeed, in many ways contemporary constitutional law is still
trapped within and stunted by that paradigm. But today at least
some post-modern constitutionalists tend to think and talk in the
language of relativity, quantum mechanics, and chaos theory. This
may quite naturally suggest to some observers that the
Constitution's basic strategy of decentralizing and diffusing power
by constraining and fragmenting governmental authority in
particular has been rendered obsolete.
The institutional separation of powers among the three federal
branches of government, the geographical division of authority
between the federal government and the fifty state governments, the
recognition of national boundaries, and, above all, the sharp
distinction between the public and private spheres, become easy to
deride as relics of a simpler, pre-computer age. Thus Eli Noam, in
the First Ithiel de Sola Pool Memorial Lecture, delivered last
October at MIT, notes that computer networks and network
associations acquire quasi-governmental powers as they necessarily
take on such tasks as mediating their members' conflicting
interests, establishing cost shares, creating their own rules of
admission and access and expulsion, even establishing their own *de
facto* taxing mechanisms. In Professor Noam's words, "networks
become political entities," global nets that respect no state or
local boundaries. Restrictions on the use of information in one
country (to protect privacy, for example) tend to lead to export of
that information to other countries, where it can be analyzed and
then used on a selective basis in the country attempting to
restrict it. "Data havens" reminiscent of the role played by the
Swiss in banking may emerge, with few restrictions on the storage
and manipulation of information.
A tempting conclusion is that, to protect the free speech and
other rights of *users* in such private networks, judges must treat
these networks not as associations that have rights of their own
*against* the government but as virtual "governments" in themselves
-- as entities against which individual rights must be defended in
the Constitution's name. Such a conclusion would be misleadingly
simplistic. There are circumstances, of course, when
non-governmental bodies like privately owned "company towns" or
even huge shopping malls should be subjected to legislative and
administrative controls by democratically accountable entities, or
even to judicial controls as though they were arms of the state --
but that may be as true (or as false) of multinational corporations
or foundations, or transnational religious organizations, or even
small-town communities, as it is of computer-mediated networks.
It's a fallacy to suppose that, just because a computer bulletin
board or network or gateway is *something like* a shopping mall,
government has as much constitutional duty -- or even authority --
to guarantee open public access to such a network as it has to
guarantee open public access to a privately owned shopping center
like the one involved in the U.S. Supreme Court's famous *PruneYard
Shopping Center* decision of 1980, arising from nearby San Jose.
The rules of law, both statutory and judge-made, through which
each state *allocates* private powers and responsibilities themselves
represent characteristic forms of government action. That's why a
state's rules for imposing liability on private publishers, or for
deciding which private contracts to enforce and which ones to
invalidate, are all subject to scrutiny for their consistency with
the federal Constitution. But as a general proposition it is only
what *governments* do, either through such rules or through the
actions of public officials, that the United States Constitution
constrains. And nothing about any new technology suddenly erases
the Constitution's enduring value of restraining *government* above
all else, and of protecting all private groups, large and small,
>from government.
It's true that certain technologies may become socially
indispensable -- so that equal or at least minimal access to basic
computer power, for example, might be as significant a
constitutional goal as equal or at least minimal access to the
franchise, or to dispute resolution through the judicial system,
or to elementary and secondary education. But all this means (or
should mean) is that the Constitution's constraints on government
must at times take the form of imposing *affirmative duties* to
assure access rather than merely enforcing *negative prohibitions*
against designated sorts of invasion or intrusion.
Today, for example, the government is under an affirmative
obligation to open up criminal trials to the press and the public,
at least where there has not been a particularized finding that
such openness would disrupt the proceedings. The government is
also under an affirmative obligation to provide free legal
assistance for indigent criminal defendants, to assure speedy
trials, to underwrite the cost of counting ballots at election
time, and to desegregate previously segregated school systems. But
these occasional affirmative obligations don't, or shouldn't, mean
that the Constitution's axiomatic division between the realm of
public power and the realm of private life should be jettisoned.
Nor would the "indispensability" of information technologies
provide a license for government to impose strict content, access,
pricing, and other types of regulation. *Books* are indispensable to
most of us, for example -- but it doesn't follow that government
should therefore be able to regulate the content of what goes onto
the shelves of *bookstores*. The right of a private bookstore owner
to decide which books to stock and which to discard, which books to
display openly and which to store in limited access areas, should
remain inviolate. And note, incidentally, that this needn't make
the bookstore owner a "publisher" who is liable for the words
printed in the books on her shelves. It's a common fallacy to
imagine that the moment a computer gateway or bulletin board begins
to exercise powers of selection to control who may be on line, it
must automatically assume the responsibilities of a newscaster, a
broadcaster, or an author. For computer gateways and bulletin
boards are really the "bookstores" of cyberspace; most of them
organize and present information in a computer format, rather than
generating more information content of their own.
Axiom 2:
The Constitutional Boundaries of Private Property
and Personality Depend on Variables Deeper Than
*Social Utility and Technological Feasibility*
The second constitutional axiom, one closely related to the
private-public distinction of the first axiom, is that a person's
mind, body, and property belong *to that person* and not to the
public as a whole. Some believe that cyberspace challenges that
axiom because its entire premise lies in the existence of computers
tied to electronic transmission networks that process digital
information. Because such information can be easily replicated in
series of "1"s and "0"s, anything that anyone has come up with in
virtual reality can be infinitely reproduced. I can log on to a
computer library, copy a "virtual book" to my computer disk, and
send a copy to your computer without creating a gap on anyone's
bookshelf. The same is true of valuable computer programs, costing
hundreds of dollars, creating serious piracy problems. This
feature leads some, like Richard Stallman of the Free Software
Foundation, to argue that in cyberspace everything should be free
-- that information can't be owned. Others, of course, argue that
copyright and patent protections of various kinds are needed in
order for there to be incentives to create "cyberspace property" in
the first place.
Needless to say, there are lively debates about what the
optimal incentive package should be as a matter of legislative and
social policy. But the only *constitutional* issue, at bottom, isn't
the utilitarian or instrumental selection of an optimal policy.
Social judgments about what ought to be subject to individual
appropriation, in the sense used by John Locke and Robert Nozick,
and what ought to remain in the open public domain, are first and
foremost *political* decisions.
To be sure, there are some constitutional constraints on these
political decisions. The Constitution does not permit anything and
everything to be made into a *private commodity*. Votes, for
example, theoretically cannot be bought and sold. Whether the
Constitution itself should be read (or amended) so as to permit all
basic medical care, shelter, nutrition, legal assistance and,
indeed, computerized information services, to be treated as mere
commodities, available only to the highest bidder, are all terribly
hard questions -- as the Eastern Europeans are now discovering as
they attempt to draft their own constitutions. But these are not
questions that should ever be confused with issues of what is
technologically possible, about what is realistically enforceable,
or about what is socially desirable.
Similarly, the Constitution does not permit anything and
everything to be *socialized* and made into a public good available
to whoever needs or "deserves" it most. I would hope, for example,
that the government could not use its powers of eminent domain to
"take" live body parts like eyes or kidneys or brain tissue for
those who need transplants and would be expected to lead
particularly productive lives. In any event, I feel certain that
whatever constitutional right each of us has to inhabit his or her
own body and to hold onto his or her own thoughts and creations
should not depend solely on cost-benefit calculations, or on the
availability of technological methods for painlessly effecting
transfers or for creating good artificial substitutes.
Axiom 3:
*Government May Not Control Information Content*
A third constitutional axiom, like the first two, reflects a
deep respect for the integrity of each individual and a healthy
skepticism toward government. The axiom is that, although
information and ideas have real effects in the social world, it's
not up to government to pick and choose for us in terms of the
*content* of that information or the *value* of those ideas.
This notion is sometimes mistakenly reduced to the naive
child's ditty that "sticks and stones may break my bones, but words
can never hurt me." Anybody who's ever been called something awful
by children in a schoolyard knows better than to believe any such
thing. The real basis for First Amendment values isn't the false
premise that information and ideas have no real impact, but the
belief that information and ideas are *too important* to entrust to
any government censor or overseer.
If we keep that in mind, and *only* if we keep that in mind,
will we be able to see through the tempting argument that, in the
Information Age, free speech is a luxury we can no longer afford.
That argument becomes especially tempting in the context of
cyberspace, where sequences of "0"s and "1"s may become virtual
life forms. Computer "viruses" roam the information nets,
attaching themselves to various programs and screwing up computer
facilities. Creation of a computer virus involves writing a
program; the program then replicates itself and mutates. The
electronic code involved is very much like DNA. If information
content is "speech," and if the First Amendment is to apply in
cyberspace, then mustn't these viruses be "speech" -- and mustn't
their writing and dissemination be constitutionally protected? To
avoid that nightmarish outcome, mustn't we say that the First
Amendment is *inapplicable* to cyberspace?
The answer is no. Speech is protected, but deliberately
yelling "Boo!" at a cardiac patient may still be prosecuted as
murder. Free speech is a constitutional right, but handing a bank
teller a hold-up note that says, "Your money or your life," may
still be punished as robbery. Stealing someone's diary may be
punished as theft -- even if you intend to publish it in book form.
And the Supreme Court, over the past fifteen years, has gradually
brought advertising within the ambit of protected expression
without preventing the government from protecting consumers from
deceptive advertising. The lesson, in short, is that
constitutional principles are subtle enough to bend to such
concerns. They needn't be broken or tossed out.
Axiom 4:
The Constitution is Founded on Normative
Conceptions of Humanity That Advances
*in Science and Technology Cannot "Disprove"*
A fourth constitutional axiom is that the human spirit is
something beyond a physical information processor. That axiom,
which regards human thought processes as not fully reducible to the
operations of a computer program, however complex, must not be
confused with the silly view that, because computer operations
involve nothing more than the manipulation of "on" and "off" states
of myriad microchips, it somehow follows that government control or
outright seizure of computers and computer programs threatens no
First Amendment rights because human thought processes are not
directly involved. To say that would be like saying that
government confiscation of a newspaper's printing press and
tomorrow morning's copy has nothing to do with speech but involves
only a taking of metal, paper, and ink. Particularly if the seizure
or the regulation is triggered by the content of the information
being processed or transmitted, the First Amendment is of course
fully involved. Yet this recognition that information processing
by computer entails something far beyond the mere sequencing of
mechanical or chemical steps still leaves a potential gap between
what computers can do internally and in communication with one
another -- and what goes on within and between human minds. It is
that gap to which this fourth axiom is addressed; the very
existence of any such gap is, as I'm sure you know, a matter of
considerable controversy.
What if people like the mathematician and physicist Roger
Penrose, author of *The Emperor's New Mind*, are wrong about human
minds? In that provocative recent book, Penrose disagrees with
those Artificial Intelligence, or AI, gurus who insist that it's
only a matter of time until human thought and feeling can be
perfectly simulated or even replicated by a series of purely
physical operations -- that it's all just neurons firing and
neurotransmitters flowing, all subject to perfect modeling in
suitable computer systems. Would an adherent of that AI orthodoxy,
someone whom Penrose fails to persuade, have to reject as
irrelevant for cyberspace those constitutional protections that
rest on the anti-AI premise that minds are *not* reducible to really
fancy computers?
Consider, for example, the Fifth Amendment, which provides
that "no person shall be . . . compelled in any criminal case to
be a witness against himself." The Supreme Court has long held
that suspects may be required, despite this protection, to provide
evidence that is not "testimonial" in nature -- blood samples, for
instance, or even exemplars of one's handwriting or voice. Last
year, in a case called *Pennsylvania v. Muniz*, the Supreme Court
held that answers to even simple questions like "When was your
sixth birthday?" are testimonial because such a question, however
straightforward, nevertheless calls for the product of mental
activity and therefore uses the suspect's mind against him. But
what if science could eventually describe thinking as a process no
more complex than, say, riding a bike or digesting a meal? Might
the progress of neurobiology and computer science eventually
overthrow the premises of the *Muniz* decision?
I would hope not. For the Constitution's premises, properly
understood, are *normative* rather than *descriptive*. The philosopher
David Hume was right in teaching that no "ought" can ever be
logically derived from an "is." If we should ever abandon the
Constitution's protection for the distinctively and universally
human, it won't be because robotics or genetic engineering or
computer science have led us to deeper truths, but rather because
they have seduced us into more profound confusions. Science and
technology open options, create possibilities, suggest
incompatibilities, generate threats. They do not alter what is
"right" or what is "wrong." The fact that those notions are
elusive and subject to endless debate need not make them totally
contingent on contemporary technology.
Axiom 5:
Constitutional Principles Should Not
*Vary With Accidents of Technology*
In a sense, that's the fifth and final constitutional axiom I
would urge upon this gathering: that the Constitution's norms, at
their deepest level, must be invariant under merely *technological*
transformations. Our constitutional law evolves through judicial
interpretation, case by case, in a process of reasoning by analogy
>from precedent. At its best, that process is ideally suited to
seeing beneath the surface and extracting deeper principles from
prior decisions. At its worst, though, the same process can get
bogged down in superficial aspects of preexisting examples,
fixating upon unessential features while overlooking underlying
principles and values.
When the Supreme Court in 1928 first confronted wiretapping
and held in *Olmstead v. United States* that such wiretapping
involved no "search" or "seizure" within the meaning of the Fourth
Amendment's prohibition of "unreasonable searches and seizures,"
the majority of the Court reasoned that the Fourth Amendment
"itself shows that the search is to be of material things -- the
person, the house, his papers or his effects," and said that "there
was no searching" when a suspect's phone was tapped because the
Constitution's language "cannot be extended and expanded to include
telephone wires reaching to the whole world from the defendant's
house or office." After all, said the Court, the intervening wires
"are not part of his house or office any more than are the highways
along which they are stretched." Even to a law student in the
1960s, as you might imagine, that "reasoning" seemed amazingly
artificial. Yet the *Olmstead* doctrine still survived.
It would be illuminating at this point to compare the Supreme
Court's initial reaction to new technology in *Olmstead* with its
initial reaction to new technology in *Maryland v. Craig*, the 1990
closed-circuit television case with which we began this discussion.
In *Craig*, a majority of the Justices assumed that, when the 18th-
century Framers of the Confrontation Clause included a guarantee of
two-way *physical* confrontation, they did so solely because it had
not yet become technologically feasible for the accused to look his
accuser in the eye without having the accuser simultaneously watch
the accused. Given that this technological obstacle has been
removed, the majority assumed, one-way confrontation is now
sufficient. It is enough that the accused not be subject to
criminal conviction on the basis of statements made outside his
presence.
In *Olmstead*, a majority of the Justices assumed that, when the
18th-century authors of the Fourth Amendment used language that
sounded "physical" in guaranteeing against invasions of a person's
dwelling or possessions, they did so not solely because *physical*
invasions were at that time the only serious threats to personal
privacy, but for the separate and distinct reason that *intangible*
invasions simply would not threaten any relevant dimension of
Fourth Amendment privacy.
In a sense, *Olmstead* mindlessly read a new technology *out* of
the Constitution, while *Craig* absent-mindedly read a new technology
*into* the Constitution. But both decisions -- *Olmstead* and *Craig* --
had the structural effect of withholding the protections of the
Bill of Rights from threats made possible by new information
technologies. *Olmstead* did so by implausibly reading the
Constitution's text as though it represented a deliberate decision
not to extend protection to threats that 18th-century thinkers
simply had not foreseen. *Craig* did so by somewhat more plausibly
-- but still unthinkingly -- treating the Constitution's seemingly
explicit coupling of two analytically distinct protections as
reflecting a failure of technological foresight and imagination,
rather than a deliberate value choice.
The *Craig* majority's approach appears to have been driven in
part by an understandable sense of how a new information technology
could directly protect a particularly sympathetic group, abused
children, from a traumatic trial experience. The *Olmstead*
majority's approach probably reflected both an exaggerated estimate
of how difficult it would be to obtain wiretapping warrants even
where fully justified, and an insufficient sense of how a new
information technology could directly threaten all of us. Although
both *Craig* and *Olmstead* reveal an inadequate consciousness about
how new technologies interact with old values, *Craig* at least seems
defensible even if misguided, while *Olmstead* seems just plain
wrong.
Around 23 years ago, as a then-recent law school graduate
serving as law clerk to Supreme Court Justice Potter Stewart, I
found myself working on a case involving the government's
electronic surveillance of a suspected criminal -- in the form of
a tiny device attached to the outside of a public telephone booth.
Because the invasion of the suspect's privacy was accomplished
without physical trespass into a "constitutionally protected area,"
the Federal Government argued, relying on *Olmstead*, that there had
been no "search" or "seizure," and therefore that the Fourth
Amendment "right of the people to be secure in their persons,
houses, papers, and effects, against unreasonable searches and
seizures," simply did not apply.
At first, there were only four votes to overrule *Olmstead* and
to hold the Fourth Amendment applicable to wiretapping and
electronic eavesdropping. I'm proud to say that, as a 26-year-old
kid, I had at least a little bit to do with changing that number
>from four to seven -- and with the argument, formally adopted by a
seven-Justice majority in December 1967, that the Fourth Amendment
"protects people, not places." (389 U.S. at 351.) In that
decision, *Katz v. United States*, the Supreme Court finally
repudiated *Olmstead* and the many decisions that had relied upon it
and reasoned that, given the role of electronic telecommunications
in modern life, the First Amendment purposes of protecting *free
speech* as well as the Fourth Amendment purposes of protecting
*privacy* require treating as a "search" any invasion of a person's
confidential telephone communications, with or without physical
trespass.
Sadly, nine years later, in *Smith v. Maryland*, the Supreme
Court retreated from the *Katz* principle by holding that no search
occurs and therefore no warrant is needed when police, with the
assistance of the telephone company, make use of a "pen register",
a mechanical device placed on someone's phone line that records all
numbers dialed from the phone and the times of dialing. The
Supreme Court, over the dissents of Justices Stewart, Brennan, and
Marshall, found no legitimate expectation of privacy in the numbers
dialed, reasoning that the digits one dials are routinely recorded
by the phone company for billing purposes. As Justice Stewart, the
author of *Katz*, aptly pointed out, "that observation no more than
describes the basic nature of telephone calls . . . . It is simply
not enough to say, after *Katz*, that there is no legitimate
expectation of privacy in the numbers dialed because the caller
assumes the risk that the telephone company will expose them to the
police." (442 U.S. at 746-747.) Today, the logic of *Smith* is
being used to say that people have no expectation of privacy when
they use their cordless telephones since they know or should know
that radio waves can be easily monitored!
It is easy to be pessimistic about the way in which the
Supreme Court has reacted to technological change. In many
respects, *Smith* is unfortunately more typical than *Katz* of the way
the Court has behaved. For example, when movies were invented, and
for several decades thereafter, the Court held that movie
exhibitions were not entitled to First Amendment protection. When
community access cable TV was born, the Court hindered municipal
attempts to provide it at low cost by holding that rules requiring
landlords to install small cable boxes on their apartment buildings
amounted to a compensable taking of property. And in *Red Lion v.
FCC*, decided twenty-two years ago but still not repudiated today,
the Court ratified government control of TV and radio broadcast
content with the dubious logic that the scarcity of the
electromagnetic spectrum justified not merely government policies
to auction off, randomly allocate, or otherwise ration the spectrum
according to neutral rules, but also much more intrusive and
content-based government regulation in the form of the so-called
"fairness doctrine."
Although the Supreme Court and the lower federal courts have
taken a somewhat more enlightened approach in dealing with cable
television, these decisions for the most part reveal a curious
judicial blindness, as if the Constitution had to be reinvented
with the birth of each new technology. Judges interpreting a late
18th century Bill of Rights tend to forget that, unless its *terms*
are read in an evolving and dynamic way, its *values* will lose even
the *static* protection they once enjoyed. Ironically, *fidelity* to
original values requires *flexibility* of textual interpretation. It
was Judge Robert Bork, not famous for his flexibility, who once
urged this enlightened view upon then Judge (now Justice) Scalia,
when the two of them sat as colleagues on the U.S. Court of Appeals
for the D.C. Circuit.
Judicial error in this field tends to take the form of saying
that, by using modern technology ranging from the telephone to the
television to computers, we "assume the risk." But that typically
begs the question. Justice Harlan, in a dissent penned two decades
ago, wrote: "Since it is the task of the law to form and project,
as well as mirror and reflect, we should not . . . merely recite .
. . risks without examining the *desirability* of saddling them upon
society." (*United States v. White*, 401 U.S. at 786). And, I would
add, we should not merely recite risks without examining how
imposing those risks comports with the Constitution's fundamental
values of *freedom*, *privacy*, and *equality*.
Failing to examine just that issue is the basic error I
believe federal courts and Congress have made:
* in regulating radio and TV broadcasting without
adequate sensitivity to First Amendment values;
* in supposing that the selection and editing of
video programs by cable operators might be less
than a form of expression;
* in excluding telephone companies from cable and
other information markets;
* in assuming that the processing of "O"s and "1"s
by computers as they exchange data with one
another is something less than "speech"; and
* in generally treating information processed
electronically as though it were somehow less
entitled to protection for that reason.
The lesson to be learned is that these choices and these
mistakes are not dictated by the Constitution. They are decisions
for us to make in interpreting that majestic charter, and in
implementing the principles that the Constitution establishes.
*Conclusion*
If my own life as a lawyer and legal scholar could leave just
one legacy, I'd like it to be the recognition that the Constitution
*as a whole* "protects people, not places." If that is to come
about, the Constitution as a whole must be read through a
technologically transparent lens. That is, we must embrace, as a
rule of construction or interpretation, a principle one might call
the "cyberspace corollary." It would make a suitable
Twenty-seventh Amendment to the Constitution, one befitting the
200th anniversary of the Bill of Rights. Whether adopted all at
once as a constitutional amendment, or accepted gradually as a
principle of interpretation that I believe should obtain even
without any formal change in the Constitution's language, the
corollary I would propose would do for *technology* in 1991 what I
believe the Constitution's Ninth Amendment, adopted in 1791, was
meant to do for *text*.
The Ninth Amendment says: "The enumeration in the
Constitution, of certain rights, shall not be construed to deny or
disparage others retained by the people." That amendment provides
added support for the long-debated, but now largely accepted,
"right of privacy" that the Supreme Court recognized in such
decisions as the famous birth control case of 1965, *Griswold v.
Connecticut*. The Ninth Amendment's simple message is: The *text*
used by the Constitution's authors and ratifiers does not exhaust
the values our Constitution recognizes. Perhaps a Twenty-seventh
Amendment could convey a parallel and equally simple message: The
*technologies* familiar to the Constitution's authors and ratifiers
similarly do not exhaust the *threats* against which the
Constitution's core values must be protected.
The most recent amendment, the twenty-sixth, adopted in 1971,
extended the vote to 18-year-olds. It would be fitting, in a world
where youth has been enfranchised, for a twenty-seventh amendment
to spell a kind of "childhood's end" for constitutional law. The
Twenty-seventh Amendment, to be proposed for at least serious
debate in 1991, would read simply:
"This Constitution's protections for the freedoms of
speech, press, petition, and assembly, and its
protections against unreasonable searches and seizures
and the deprivation of life, liberty, or property without
due process of law, shall be construed as fully
applicable without regard to the technological method or
medium through which information content is generated,
stored, altered, transmitted, or controlled."

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